"wnqpfnv
question: "Wo demand tho free coinage of silver
on equal terms with gold, and denounce the efforts
of tho republican party to serve the interesta of
"Wall street as against the rights of the people."
Just boforo tho adoption of this plank about nine
tenths of the democrats of tho house of represen
tatives had voted to recommit the Sherman silver
bill with instructions to report a free coinago
bill. "
In 1892, two years after the adoption of this
congressional platform, tho democratic national
platform contained a plank In favor of tho use of
"both gold and silvo'r as tho standard money of
tho country," and in favor of tho "coinage of both
gold and silver, without discrimination against
either metal or charge for mintage." Tho principlo
of bimetallism was thus stated, but the plank of
1892 contained a postscript which was unfairly
construed to nullify the declaration in favor of the
double standard. Prior to 1890 the democratic party
in the house and senate had voted almost unani
mously in -favor of the free and unlimited coinago
of gold and silver a the ratio of sixteen-to-ono,
without waiting for tho aid or consent of any other
nation, and the plank in Mr. Bryan's platform was
In entire harmony with the uniform policy of the
party. Bimetallism is not a new thing. This na
tion had tne double standard without interruption
from the year 17b2 to the year 1873. During all that
period there never was a day when the holder of
silver bullion could not have his silver coined into
full legal tender money at a fixed ratio with gold.
From 1782 to 1834 the ratio was fifteen to one,
from 1834 to 1873- it was sixteen to one. but tho
change in the ratio did not interfere with the full
operation of the bimetallic system. At one time
the coinago of silver dollars was suspended, but tho
free coinage of silver into coins of less than a dol
lar was continued, and these coins were at that
time a full legal tender. A change was made in
the fineness of our coins in 1837 and later subsi
diary coin was made a limited legal tender, but
the principlo of bimetallism was never interferred
with. Not only were the principles of bimetallism
understood in this country, but they were under
stood in other countries, the subject having b'een
discussed at international conferences attended
by the most prominent men of Europe and Amer
ica. The principles of monetary science' are well
settled and they do not change with the seasons.
."JVhile an increased production of gold has for the
time being made tho money question less acute,
it has in no way affected the arguments that lie
at the foundation of the subject.
There are two advantages in bimetallism one
theoretical and the other practical. If the world
could have as much of either metal as it now has
of both metalB a single standard of either metal
while supplying the same quantity of money would
lack the advantage which the world has derived
from the use of both metals, namely, tho advantage
of greater stability in the purchasing power 'of
the monetary unit. In the history of the world
there have been several periods of increase in the
gold product and several periods of increase in the
silver product, but never a period when there has
been a large increase in the production of both
metals at the same time. These alternating in
creases have, therefore, had less effect upon the
world's vrlume of metallic money and less effect
upon the purchasing power of the unit than they
would have had, had both metals increased in pro
duction at the same time. The practical advantage
of bimetallism is that gold and silver together fur
nish more money than gold alone, anc the world
today is using some $4,000,000,000 of silver along
with about an equal amount of gold, and besides
using more than $8,000,00,000 of gold and silver
together it is also using a large amount of uncov
ered paper and bank notes. Mr. John G. Cariyle,
then a congressman from Kentucky, said in 1878
that the world would be fortunate indeed if tho
supply qf gold and silver together kepi pace with
the demand for money. There would be no dif
ficulty today in using all of the increased produc
tion of gold in the retirement of uncovered paper
without retiring a single dollar of silver. '
When Mr. Bryan admits 'that the Increased
production of gold has been an advantage to the
world, when he admits that by gift f Providence
if it is attributed to Providence or by act of tho
minors if they deserve tho credit tho country is
now in less urgent need of bimetallism than It was
eight years ago, he. has admitted, all that the facts
require. There is no reason wny ho should favor
the acceptance of the gold standard as a finalitv
and there is certainly no reason why ho should
. be In favor of putting the government "in the hands
of, those who denied the quantitative theory of
money in 189G and who. now look at the money
The Commoner. -
, .
question as if It concerned orily tho financiers and
not tho publio at large.
Those who believe that the volume of money
should keep pace with tho demand for money, and
who insist that we shall not by legislation bring
upon tho country the injustice of an appreciating
standard of money theso can more safely bo
trusted with tho financial policy of the country
than those who would run tho treasury department
as an asset of the Wall street financiers, and then
collect campaign funds in return for the favorit
ism shown by the government.
Mr. Bryan has referred to his platform of 1890
to show that in the fourteen years that have passed
since that time he has not had reason to change
his attitude on public questions. Since 1890 he
has added tho income tax to the list of reforms,
and he" still belieVes that it presents a just prin
ciple, of taxation. Tho income tax Increases with
tho income and the taxpayers' burden is, there
fore, in proportion to his ability to pay, as well
as in proportion to the advantages which he enjoys
under the protection of the government.
Since 1890 the labor question has become an
issue, and the same general principles that lead Mr.
Bryan to oppose a tariff which taxes all the people
for tho benefit of a few of the people and to oppose
the trusts that prey upon the public; the same
'general principles that lead him to oppose a finan
cial system that' bleeds the public for the benefit
of the money changer and the owner of fixed in
vestments; the same general principles lead him
to favor legislation which will protect the laboring
man in the enjoyment of life and liberty and the
pursuit of happiness. "
The question of imperialism has also been
brought into the arena of politics and he applies
to this question the same general principles that he
has applied to others. Imperialism taxes the peo
plo of this country to maintain a colonial system
while a few syndicates exploit the islands. With
out imperialism the ' republican party would not
have dared to raise a standing army. The increase
in the army alone makes an annual addition of more
than $50,000,000 to the taxes that the people must
pay. Without imperialism the republicans could
not defend the increase that they have made and
which they proposed to make in the size of the
navy. This increase alreadysadds another $50,000,
000 or more to the burdens of the people. It is not
an exaggeration to say that imperialism is now
costing us $100,000,000 a year, or some $6 for each
family. The only rfeturn we get from thisout
lay is the shame of an abandonment of the doc
trine of self-government, the danger that those
principles will be applied to us and the reaction
upon our own national character.
The Baltimore News says that Mr. Bryan's
consistency is "carried to a point so extreme as to
amount to something abnormal, something offen
sive to a wholesome political instinct." Is there
anything abnormal in the application of a well
settled principle to public questions? Jefferson's
maxim ''equal rights to all and special privileges to
none is of universal application. Why should
we apply it to some questions and ignore it in
our consideration of others? Lincoln's doctrine 'of
a government "of the people, by the people and for
the people was of universal application. .Why
should we consider it in the consideration of some
questions and disregard it in the consideration of
others The commandment, "Thou shalt not steal"
is no less universal. It ought not to seem strange
to any one tha a citizen, whether in public life
or in private life, should maintain a consistent
course and refuse to deviate from it no matter how
tempting the temporary advantage promised. Good
character n the individual is nothing more than
habitual righteousness. No man can establish a
character worth having if he is guided in each bus
iness transaction solely by the amount that he can
make. He must be guided by rules that compel
him to deal justly with his fellows.
And so with party, good character is habitual
. righteousness. A party suffers whenever it denart
from its principles in thp aope of winning atem
porary succ ,s. The result usually fc that it not
only fails to win the success-the winning of which
it put above all other things-but that it loses time
that ought to have been employed in the work of
education. A man must be consistent, and the
necessity of consistency in a party Is no less im
perative. If this year th- democratic party had
earnestly and courageously continued its fight for
reform it would have made abetter showing than
it did. If tho democratic men and democratic
newspapers which since 1896 have been denouncing
the party's reform program had joined In and pre
sented the arguments that can be made in ht
half of these reforms our par today :wou
&4l
VOLUME 4, NUMBER 4
very much strop jer than it in it nn t
session of tho government. If M50
periences through which we haVo psed ft e
necessary to convince our eaZC hf be
wisdom of a positive and TSsS te 0f
uses of adversity may, after -all Z Urso'
wo may now, without bSSnI,oDrove sweet
. undertake WgSSSt befoT
JJJ ?
- Progress in Russia
The. press dispatches from St. Peterqh,,
port a growing agitation in favor of nari iW V
government. A meeting wa3 heldn r 25??
the protection of the new secretary of X L . r
at which a resolution was adopted? a vote
to 3 declaring in favor of a legislative L ,
make the laws of the country. oTe o he p fn
pal speakers had for twenty-four years bK t
exile. Meetings- are being held all over LcountrJ
to give voice to the unanimous desire of theTemE
for a direct share in the government ThoSrS
dispatches say that the situation is unparaE
and that nothing approaching such a movemrat
has been permitted In Russia. The interest in thu
movement is said to overshadow even the war and
it is reported that the liberals are flocking t'o St
Petersburg from all parts of the empire, includ
mg Poland and Finnland. The hotel lobbies are
crowded, it is said, and the scene resembles con
vention times in America. This is certainly en
couraging news from Russia. The two great ob
stacles to progress in Russia are lack of education
among the masses and autocratic government. The
educational "facilities are being constantly en
larged, and the percentage of illiteracy constantly
decreases. This, in itself, has a great bearing upon
the future of Russia. There has been evidenco
also of progress along governmental lines. Nearly
two years ago the Czar issued a decree promising
a measure of local self-government. In St. Peters
burg a municipal election was held about a year
ago with an enlarged franchise. ' Since then tho
czar has recalled the exiles and given evidence
that there is to be a change in policy in this re
spect. And now comes the meeting of liberals held
under the protection of the secretary of the inter
ior, to give expression. to the desire of the people
for representative government.
The war Is not yet over; so far the advantage
Is with the Japanese, but even If the tide should
turn the czar can not by any possible victory over
the Japanese add to his own fame or benefit his,
people as much as he can by establishing a re
sponsive and responsible government. "When an
autocratic ruler gives away some of his power it 13
a "giving that doth not impoverish," and when
he withholds from the people that which is right
fully the.rs he is not enriching himself. If the
Japanese war, with the troubles and perplexities
attendant upon it, leads the czar to consider favor
ably the petition of his subjects and admit them
to a share in the responsibility of government, tho
war will be worth to Russia more than it has
cost
JJJ
Republican Advice
Under the title "More Free Advice" the Kan
sas City Journal recalls the advice that it has
given to the democratic party, and ventures to fur
nish another installment. The Journal names its
favorite democratic candidate for 1908, and says
that if he is put in nomination he will give tho
republican nominee "a hard run" and will even
beat him should the latter be "a bad or weak man.
It will be remembered .hat the republican papers
were very generous With their advice last spring.
They were unselfish enough to point out to unwary
democrats "T:be way to ivin." They dwelt with af
fected sorrow upon the defeats of 1896 and 19QJ
and attributed them to the fact that the party dij
not have the confidence of the "business elements.
They pretended a sincere desire to so strengthen
the cli mocratlc party as to make it a strong com
petitor with the republican party. They did nov
exac.iv promise victory to the reorganizes, uuc
assured them that by following a conservative
course they could make the democratic party a
strong ano influential force in politics. These re
publican suggestipns were quoted with approval oy
that portion of the corporation press which, tnat
it may better deceive the public, calls itself demo
cratlc Judge Parker was the favorite cflndIdnt0 i?
these -papers, and his praises were sung loud an
long., .W,hen.,.hQ."was.noininated,the republican pa-
"M'rrv
U .-j,f' 'J-t.,43