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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 11, 1904)
jr;w HWUHtfUMW I'JWjWPi A Popular "Plan 'A reade-- of Tlio Commoner writes: "Please Jgivo me some Information concerning tho history of the" effort to bring about the popular .election , of senators; also seme argument in support of ' the plan." j The house of representatives in both the Fifty-second and Fifty-third congresses adopted resolutions submitting the necessary constitutional amendment, but each time the senate defeated action. A similar resolution was passed by the house in the Fifty-sixth congress. In 18G8 Presi dent Johnson first in a special and later in an annual message, urged the submission of an amendment placing the election of United States senators in the hands of the people at large, and from that day to this there has been a constant growth of sentimert in favor of this reform. Wher ever the matter has been acted upon by the -people an overwhelming majority has been recorded in favor of the proposition. The affirmative argu ments may be summed up as follows: First. The people have a right to speak through senators of their own selection. Second. Corruption and corporate influence are bringing scandal and disgrace upon senatorial elections and impeaching the integrity of a legisla tive body which ought to stand above suspicion. Third. Senatorial elections, as conducted at present, interfere with the legitimate work of state legislatures. Whatever causes may have led to the adoption of the existing method of selecting senators, ex perience has not only shown that the people can be trusted with the direct choice of their public servants, but it has also demonstrated that the nearer tho government is brought to the voter the better it is for both the government and the people. Thero is more virtue In the masses than ever finds expression through their representatives, because representatives are influenced, to a greater or less extent, by their personal interests. It is true that even with popular elections the nominat.ons would be made by conventions, but tho fact that the voters would afterwards sit in judgment upon the work of the delegates would be a constant restraint. The last few years have furnished so many instances of corporate influence or corruption operating in the election of senators that no elab oration of the second argument is necessary.. It has become apparent to the most casual observer that candidates backed by railroads and other largo corporations have an enormous advantage over men who must rely upon their personal popu larity -or worth. Wlulo In some instances money has been used to purchase votes outright, the method more fre quently employed is to p.ace the legislators under obligation to a particular candidate by pecuniary aid furnished during the campaign. Organised capital is also able to bring pressure to bear upon legislators by the bestowal of favors. p But aside from the arguments which affect the character of the men selected, the nest interests of the state require that the legislators shall be relieved of tho duty of electing senators, because legislative candidates can not now be voted for according to their fitness for legislative work. - As one-third of the United States senators are elected every two years, two legislative sessions (where they are blennial out of every three are called upon to se'ttle a senatorial controversy and this controversy as a rule, overshadows all other mat ters. When tho contest Is prolonged, the regular business i interrupted, by daily balloting and "at- r tentlon is diverted from state affairs. Some objeot to the proposed change on . the ground that the constitution should1 not be dis turbed, but thisis always the argument of those The Commoner, who are satisfied with things as they are. The best friends of the constitution are those who de- sire to strengthen it in the 'affections of the people by making it conform to the wishes of the people. There is no force in the objection urged by some that a senator should be elected by a legis--laturo because he represents the state. This. draws a distinction between the state and the people of the state Surely the choice of a majority of the people would be more truly a representative of the state than the choice of the minority. . , , It will be a great victory for popular govern ment when tho legislatures are given into the cus tody of the voters where it rightfully belongs;. v- 4 Self-Government The Commoner has heretofore referred to an epigram coined by a clergyman in the course of a sermon, viz.: "Self-government is preferable- to good government." The phrase was. used- in de fending the wisdom of the plan whereby man was made a free moral agent and left to choose between good and evil, rather than created as -a perfect being or placed in an environment which madp sin Impossible. There is no doubt that a Creator capable of making a world could have made man perfect and could have relieved him. of all temp tation, but instead of that He placed man in a world full of temptation and made him respon sible for his conduct. Instead of being'placed under the arbitrary power of some, one who would care for and protect him, he was" left to govern himself and made to suffer if he failed to govern himself well. We do not find fault with this ar rangement of Providence nor do we question the wisdom of the plan. There is a very evident apology between, the selgoverriment of -the individual and the" doctrine, of ' self-government in nations: As' the individual has a right to make mistakes, the penalty .being suffering, sopeople who- govern themselves have a right to make mistakes, paying the penalty- for ladk of wisdom. In no other way can people be taught to take ah active and Intelligent interest in public affairs, and only by taking an interest invpublic affairs can they perfect themselves in the art of self-government. The people of the United States govern themselves and yet it is evident that they make ' frequent mistakes. The republi cans asserted in 1896 that the people would make a mistake if they elected the ticket nominated by the Chicago convention, and they further insisted that a terrible punishment "Would' follow the mis take. The democrats, on the other hand, as serted that the people would make a mistake If they elected the republican ticket. They assert now that the people ard suffering from the mistake. The reign of trusts is a direct consequence of the republican victory of 1896 andsb is the imperial istic policy which has plunged this nation into enormous expenditure and led it to appropriate forty times as nfuch for the army and navy as it expends on the department of agriculture. The republicans are constantly asserting that the election of1.' democratic president, in 1892 brought hard times and filled tho country with soup houses. A majority of democrats are willing to admit that the election resulted in mistakes but they insist that the mistakes of the democrats were made in ihe aaoption of republican policies rather than in the carrying out of democratic the ories of government. But these Instances are cited only to show that wo recognize the liability of people to make mistakes, even when so far ad vanced in civilization as the American people are" Who would be willing" to accept foreign domina tion even if assured that feuch alien government' would be absolutely free from 'error? Why not apply to the Filipinos the same logic that we apply to ourselves? Why not recognize ' VOLUME 4, NUMBEII that they, have a right to self-government they are liable tp make mistakes? Why nof " nize that thepunishment which comes fT mistakes to in itself an educating influence? m not recognize that self-government with 'a u imperfections will be better for the Filipinos, any outside government which could be t2 upon them against their will? Not only is "self-government preferable to good government," but among mortals with L! selfishness and, short-sightedness, self-goveram.nl is likely to be better than any irresponsible ernment, for no nation can be selfish enough I desire colonies and yet unselfish enough to govern them wisely; . . ' ' JJJ ' Lafayette's Epitaph Nearly -sixty years ago, S, S. Prentiss, the fa mous southern orator, delivered an address on Lafayette., ., After, pointing out the great service which Lafayette had rendered to the American colonies, Mr. Prentiss said: "The lisping infant will learn to speak his venerated name; the youth of every country wilL be taught to look upon his career and to follow In his footsteps. When here after a gallant people are. fighting for freedom against the oppressor, and their cause begins to wane before the mercenary bands of tyranny, then will the name of Lafayette become the watch word that will strike terror on the tyrant's ear, and nerve with redoubled vigor the freeman's arm. At that name many a heart, before unmoved, will wake in the glorious cause, and many a sword rusting ingloriously in its scabbard will leap forth to battle. Lafayette, needs no mausoleum. His fame is mingled with the nation's history; his epitaph is engraved upon 'the hearts of men." Is there not some reason for fear that Lafay ette,'s epitaph, has become erased from the hearts of men ;in- this country? When"we' are repudi ating tho principles which Lafayette helped our forefathers to -tablish 'when we withheld from Kruger's men that sympathy which our forefathers so gladly accepted from Frenchmen, ivnen wo have come to sneer at the declaration of inde pendence as a bit of "rhetorical generalization," is there any wonder that Lafayette's epitaph as describedby Prentiss, has become somewhat dim? It is .true,. however, as it was true when Prentiss said it, that the name of Lafayette as well as the name of Washington and of others of his time serves as an inspiration to people fighting for freedom against the oppressor. It can nqt ho doubted tnat the names and the deeds of these men served as an inspiration to the South Afri cans as well as to other people fighting for liberty in other climes. Is it not somewhat humiliating to be brought to a realization of the fact that while the deeds of our forefathers serve as an in spiration to men who aspire to liberty, our own actions not only fail to give any encouragement to these people but on the contrary, have been a hindrance to those 'who are entitled to our sym pathy? JJJ x In Jackson's Time If one would refresh himself as to the inci dents of Jackson's service in the white house, he would be reminded that while there may be differ ence in degree between the wicked schemes of the present time and Jackson's day, there is marked similarity in the methods employed in both in stances in the effort to fasten the shackles upon the people. In his address to the cabinet, September 18, 1833, Jackson described, some of the methods adopted by the representatives of the bank in order to bring' public sentiment to its side or at least to control the majority of votes in the elec- KV-.
