Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 4, 1904)
A NOVEMBER 4. 104 The Commoner Why Democrats of 1896 and 1900 Should Support Parker In -response to the request of the Saturday Evening Post, I beg to submit the following rea sons why Parker and Davis should this year re ceive the support of those democrats who sup ported the party candidates in 1896 and 1900. In 1896 the money question was declared by the democrats to bo the paramount issue, and the party announced its unalterable opposition to the gold standard and its advocacy of the restoration of bimetalism at the existing legal ratio of sixteen to one. The republican party, though not admit ting the money question to be paramount, pledged itself to assist in restoring bimetalism by inter national agreement, but insisted upon the malnte--' nance df the gold standard until such agreement should be secured. The election resulted in a victory for the repuolican party, and, in pursuance of its party's promise, the administration imme diately sent a commission to Europe to secure international co-operation and the abandonment of the gold standard, congress appropriaing $100,000 to pay the expenses of the commission. The com mission was composed of ex-Vice President Adlai Stevenson, Senator Edward O. Wolcott of Colo rado," and Mr. Payne of Massachusetts. There is no doubt that these gentlemen, though unsuccess ful in their mission, earnestly endeavored to carry out their instructions and secure the restoration of bimetalism; but Senator Wolcott complained upon his return, that their work- had been hindered and embarrassed by the utterances of Secretary Gage, the new head of the treasury department, who gave out interviews in favor of the- gold standard while the commission was trying to secure bi metalism. Unless the administration was insincere in the appointment of the commission we must conclude that the gold standard, was unsatisfactory, for had it been satisfactory no attempt would have been made to replace it with international bimetalism. The, promise to promote an international agree ment, together with the steps taken to fulfill that promise, must be accepted as an admission that the democrats were right In condemning the gold standard, although a majority of the voters pre ferred international bimetalism to independent bi metalism. The failure of the commission to enlist the aid of other nations in behalf of the double stand ard would have reacted in favor of independent bimetalism and strengthened the democratic posi tion but for the unexpected increase in the gold supply. luiB has been so considerable as to check the fall in prices anu, to some extent, to raise the level of prices. Just how far the higher price level has been due to an enlarged volume of money and how much to the wars in Cuba, the Philippines, South Africa and later in Russia, no one can ac curately determine; but it is certain that the In creased production of gold has brought in part the benefits which bimetalisis expected from the res toration of silver. While the quantitative theory of money, for vhtch bjiraetalists contended in 1890, has been vindicated, still the political advantage of the vindication has accrued to the advocates of the gold standard, because with higher prices the main argument in favor of bimetalism has been answered, or rather the necessity for bimetalism has decreased as gold has become more plentiful. By 1900 industrial conditions had been so im proved' that the money question was no longer acute, and many democrats were willing to ignore it entirely for the time being. In the meantime aie question of imperialism had been thrust into the political arena by- the Philippine policy of the administration. The trusts, too, had grown so rap idly in number and in size as to make that question an important Issue in the campaign. . Wuen the democrats met in national convention in Jiancas City imperialism was made the paramount issue and the trust question was given, a position of secondary importance. The Chicago platform of 1896 was reaffirmed nere being no opposition to reaffirmation but the money plank was reiterated only after a very animated discussion in the com mittee and by a clc .e vote. The democrats fought the campaign of 1900 mainly upon the question of imperialism, while the republicans denied that their party had any imperialistic intent, and, openly advocating the gold standard, sought to uso the money question as a scaro to hold the business interests in lino. It was a littlo inconsistent for the republican party, which favored international bimotalism In 1896, to be so enthusiastic for the gold standard in 1U00, but the argument had its effect more effect prob ably than it would havo had if the democrats had given more"timo to the discussion of the mouoy question. During the four years that followed 1900 tho money question, owing to tho continued Increase in the production of gold, was less and less con sidered, while President Roosovolt's administra tion has brought forward new Issues. When tho democrats met in St. Louis lost July a considerable majority of tho delegates fa vored a platform entirely eliminating tho money question. Though some believed, as I did, that the Kansas City platform should bo reaffirmed, and that the party's position on tho question of bimet alism, without being emphasized, should bo main tained, the convention decided that the fight should be made upon other questions questions upon which tho party was united. There was no dec laration against bimotalism, that proposition hav ing been voted down by a decided majority in the cdmmltteo. The position of our candidate, though strongly opposed,.to bimotalism, does not necessarily control tho party's action beyond his own administration. I h'ave thus stated tho history of tho money question during tho last eight years in order to show why those who voted for bimetalism in re cent campaigns can this year vote for a demo cratic candidate known to favor tno gold standard. Although tho advocates of bimotalism believe as firmly as ever in tho principles of the double stand ard, though they believe that their principles havo been vindlcateu by tho Improved conditions that have followed an Increase in tho volume of money, and though they believe that bimetalism will again become popular when the demand for money over takes the supply, yet they recognize that the ques tion is not only not paramount, but, for the pres ent, of diminishing Importance. They also recog nize that, even if the question were more acute than It Is, they could not hope to secure tho restoration of bimotalism by voting any other ticket. Either Judge Parker or President Roose velt will be elected, and President Roosevelt Is as hostile to the uso of silver as standard money as Judge Parker can possibly be. Though tlio repub lican candidate enthusiastically supported his party in 1888, when the republican plattorm de nounced President Cleveland's effort to demonetize silver, and again in 1892, when the republican plat form declared that the American people from tra dition and interest favored bimetalism, and still again in 1896, when his party was pledged to pro mote international bimetalism, still ho loses no opportunity now to proclaim his lovo for the single gold standard and h.-. abhorence of any return to the free coinage of sljver. On the money ques tion, therefore, the-freo silver democrats, having been defeated in their own convention, have noth ing to hope for from a republican victory. They have not tho same reason for leaving their party that the silver republicans and populists had for supporting the democratic ticket in 1896. The sane mny bo said of other economic questions. Wherever the supporters of the plat forms of 1896 and 1900 feel that the democruic platform or candidate this year is unsatisfactory they find the republican platform and candidate still less satisfactory. Txiere is no reason, there fore, why tney should express their dissatisfaction with their own party by casting in their lot tem porarily or permanently with the republican party. But though the democrats who were loyal to their party in 1896 and 1900 have their views upon the money jquestion and upon other economic quest tions, they .'.re also deeply Interested In the new questions that Lave been forced upon thp attention of the public by eight years of republican rule. I shall speaK later of the question of imperialism, which absorbed . large share of our party's atten tion in 1900. President Roosevelt is responsible for the prominence of three issues which the people are considering. First, ho has done more- toembltter the white and black races against each other In tho south than any or even all of the 'presidents who havo occupied tho white house slnco tho civil war. Whether In Insisting upon tho appointment of colored officials over tho protont of whlto pat rons of tho otilco ho has been actuated by a desire to holp tho coi red poope, or by n dcslro to mane political capital among tho colored voters of the north, Is immaterial. It is certain that ho has raised an issuo which has thrown the southcrs states Into anxiety and alarm. His attempt to overrldo tho wishes 01 the whites In various south ern communities has ma tho entlro south fearful that a second ten 1 may stilt furthor outran go the races and plunge mat section of tho country into tho horrors of a race struggle. Tho ontertainment of .Professor Bookor Washington at tho white hcuso has been construed by many ns ni; attempt upon tho part of tho president to ralso tho qucs tI6n of social equality, and this has further ag gravated tho raco situation In tho south. If tho presldont intended to raise that quostlon with a view to settling it In favor of tho black man It means the arousing of a fooling which will seri ously Interfere with the calm consideration or industrial and economic problems. If, on tho other hand, tho president did not Intond to forco upon tho public tho conslcoratlon of tho question of social equality it was exceedingly unfortunate that ho did anything that could bear that construction. Tho people of tho north, whore the dominance of tho white race is not monaccd and where tho blacks are comparatively few In number, havo no conception of tho conditions which prevailed in the south during tho period of reconstruction, and it is therefore difficult for them to understand the feeling of tho southern people. Tho democrats of tho north, who both desire and need tho co-opcra-tlon of southern democrats in resisting tho en croachments of plutocracy, arc vitally interested in removing tho raco Issue from national politics, so that the party can mako an aggressive fight for industrial and economic reforms. President Roosevelt has not only disturbed tho south by tho creation of a raco issue, but ho has offended tho sentiment of tho entlro country by the substitution of a swaggering, war-llko spirit for tho pacific spirit which has heretofore charac terized our national administration. Wo have had some eminent soldiers In tho white house, con spicuous among whom were Washington, Jackson and Grant, but never have we had a president who seemed to take so much delight as docs our pres ent president in war and the recital of war-like deeds. The panegyric upon war pronounced by ex Governor Black of New York, in presenting Presi dent Roose'velt's name to the last republican con vention, was In entlro harmony with the speeches of tho president, and still further emphasized his departure from tho nation's traditions and Ideals. The difference between the spirit which ani mated our first president and tho spirit which ani mates our present executive can be clearly shown by a comparison between their utterances. I have already referred to Mr. Roosevelt's delight in war. Washington, in a letter to the Marquis de Char tellux in W88, said: ' . it Is time for the ago of knight-errantry and mad, heroism to be at an end. Your young military men, who want to reap the harvest of laurels, do not care, I suppose, how many seeds of war arc sown; but for tho sake of humanity it Is deVoutqdly to be wished that tho manly employment of agriculture .and . tho human izing benerits of commerce would supersede tho waste of war and tho rage of conquest; that tho swords might be turned into plowshares, the spears Into prunlng-hooks, and, as the Scrip tures express It, "the nations learn war no more." President Roosevelt's fondness for military display, military phrases and exhibitions of mili tary prowess Is not only hurtful because of its pernicious influence upon our young men, and harmful to tho nation because of the false position ii which It places this country before the world, but it endangers peace by Increasing the possi bility of foreign complications. Tho democrats who' bore the burden of the campaigns four and eight years ago believe that this" natlbh' should de vote its energies to the remedying of the govera- (Contlnued on page 11.) .H ' - " '', ' '" H' ' ' i i . &k' iHtofcMmrf."fjA1ii 'fli ' j"rt wga