The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, November 04, 1904, Image 1

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    The Commoner
' WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER.
Vol. 4, No. 42.
Lincoln, Nebraska, November 4, 1904.
Whole Number 198
Menace of Imperialism
The American people sooner or later will bo
required to give serious attention to the menace
of militarism. The republican party has increased
the army from 25.000, until the minimum is now
60,000, with a maximum of 100,000, to which the
president can raise it without further authority.
Who thought eight years ago at this time we would
be discussing the size of the army? A small army
had uecn the policy of this nation in the past.
We had boasted that we didn't need a large mili
tary estaDlishment, and people have come from
every nation in Europe, drawn to this country not
only by its principles of government but by the fact
that there was no army burden upon the people,
liight years ago we had 25,uQ0 soldiers and who
will say that the number was not suiiiciont? What
has now made more soldiers necessary? if wo
have prosperity, if we havo happiness, If we have
contentment, why do we need U0,UU0 bayonets to
point but these blessing to the American people?
Do we need a larger army to deal with the
labor troubles? It uCpends entirely on the man
ner in whicn you deal with labor troubles, if you
deal with labor troubles through the department
of justice an army of 25,000 is enough. If you
deal with the laboring man through, tne war de
partment, hen of course the, var ohlco must make
the estimate, because If we are to have a govern
ment of force, those who are charged with employ
ing the. forces are perhaps in a- good position to
estimate the amount of assistance they will need.
'1 he labor question is one that we can not long put
on: and one of the indictments against the repub
lican party is that instead of doing justice to the
man who earns his bread in the sweat of his
brow, they want to wide- the n'h between
the employer and employe and substitute hatred
for good-will between the superintendents and
those who do the work.
The question we must meet is whether the la
boring man is to be treated as a citizen or as an
enemy of the country, to be driven to his toil by
military force. That is the question involved in
this large army. No republican speaker in this
campaign has attempted to go into detail to show
the need of 60,000 professional soldiers, 'ihe ex
pense of the war department was $34,000,000 in
1S8G and $115,000,000 last year. Why this in
crease? When the soldiers are called out in labor,
troubles, in whose interest lire they called out? in
the interest of the great corporations that are last
becoming monopolies, and after these monopolies
have robbed the American people of hundreds of
millions of dollars, they now insolently demand
that the people shall be burdened with taxation to
furnish them soldiers to drive their employes down
to the bare starvation point
If the republicans deny that one of the pur
poses of the increase is to. deal with the laboring
r an under military authority, why is it that they
used to erect forts upon the frontier to protect the
pioneers irom the savage tribes, while now, they
build the forts near our largo cities? It is a very
serious thing-when any man gets so much money
that he is willing to deny that the man who toils
v.-Ji his hands was made in the image of the same
God in whose image he was made, and that is the
trouble today. It is a lack of sympathy between
wan and man; and instead of dealing with these
laboring men as urothers, the republican party
raises the army, and would deal with them as
enemies to be met at -the mouth of the gun.
Democrats object to raising the army for this
P"rpose. But 'to escape" that wil1 they say that
we have to have' tne increased army for an im
perial policy? Ifthey say that we need 60,000 sol
u.ers to carry' on an empire when we only needed
25,00dfor a republic, "let them show why the Amer
. ",-. -'
lean people should adopt & policy that require
that expenditure of the people's monoy. Not only
did wo spegd a hundred and ilfteon millions on
the war department last year, but wo spent enough
on the navy to make the total appropriation for
both departments more than $200,000,000. That
is thirty times as much as we spent on tho agri
cultural department. What do you think of a
great agricultural nation spending $30 preparing
to kill people for every dollar spent preparing to
feed people? What do you think of the policy?
And if we are to havo an increasing navy, as tho
republicans now propose, and if we are not to do
crease tho army and they do not propose to do
crease it it means that every year wo will have a
larger and larger appropriation for tho war and
navy departments.
JJJ
Independence Not a "Scuttle" Policy
Tho republicans, falling- in their effort to
bolster up tho republican policy of imperialism,
have rushed to tho use of epithets. Even "Undo
Joe" Cannon has been driven to such desperation
that he speaks of tho democratic policy of inde
pendence for the Philippines as a "scuttle policy."
"Uncle Joo" knows bettor than this, if ho were
not too excited to think, or too scared to reason.
The democrats want to do in tho Philippines ex-
. actlywhat the republicans helped to do in Cuba.
Did -we 'adopt a "scuttle policy" in Cuba? If so,
then President Roosevelt was a ring-leader among
the "scuttlors." We promised indopendenco to
Cuba just as tho democrats want to promise Inde
pendence to the Philippines. We kept our pledge
tc the Cubans, just as tho democrats intend to
keep the pledge that they want made to the Phil
ippines. The republicans helped to haul down
the American flag In Cuba, just as the democrats
want to haul it down In the Philippines. The re
publicans did not object to the raising of the flag
of the Cuban republic; they ought not to object to
the raising of the flag of the Philippine republic.
Cuba, being near us, would be much more desir
able as a part of our nation than the Philippine
Islands. Cuba would be a source of strength, while
the Philippines are a source of weakness; and yet
when the Spanish war began, our nation was so
anxious to avoid the appearance of a desire to
exploit the Cubans, that It promised independence
In advance. But the Cubans were entitled to inde
pendence, not bee use we promised it, but because
of their own inherent right to it. Our promise
granted the Cubans no new rights; It simply recog
nized their pre-existing rights. A promise of in
dependence to the Filipinos would not confer new
fights upon the Filipinos. It would simply assure
'them of our intention to recognize their Inalienable
rights. The republicans ought to meet tho Phil
ippine question In an open and honest way. Tho
talk about "scuttling" is not only wilful misrepre
sentation of the democratic position; but it be
trays .a desire to substitute hard names for logic
an evidence that the republicans are working up
more, heat than enthusiasm.
JJJ
In the Senate
It is an open secret that the United States
senate is now a corporation-controlled body. It
is important, therefore, that democratic repre
sentation in that body be increased. There is an
excellent opportunity for electing a democratic
senator from Indiana. It would be well, therefore,
If the people of Indiana paid considerable atten- ,
tion to tho contests in the various legislative dls-
tricts throughout the state. The electlpn of dem
ocrats to the legislature means the election of an
Indiana democrat to the United States senate.
A Word With Populists
Some of tho popullsta crlticizo Mr. Bryan be
cause ho advocates tho election of Judgo Parker.
They point to tho fact that Uio populists supported
Mr. Bryan in 1890. Tho caso is not parallel, as
overyono must admit who has stopped for a mo
ment to consider tho circumstances. In 1890, the
populists endorsed Mr. Bryan's candidacy, because
thoy thought by so doing thoy might be able to
elect him and thus secure those reforms upon
which the populists nnd democrats were agreed.
With tho aid of thp populists, Mr. Bryan came so
near election that a change of twenty thousand
votes, properly distributed through the closa
states, would havo changed the result. Tho pop
ulists, therefore, acted wisely, In doing tho host
they dfrould under the circumstances. If at thin ,
time the race was between Mr. Watson and Mr.
Roosevelt, and Mr. Bryan could help dofcat Mr.
Roosevelt with Mr. Watsdn, he would bo in the
position that the populists occupied eight years
ago, and would bo open to criticism if he refused
to assist. But that is not tho situation today. If
Mr. Bryan supported Mr. Watson, he would simply
help elect Mr Roosevelt, and thus become respon
sible for what Mr. Roosevelt might do; whereas,
by supporting Judgo Parker, ho hopes to help elccfc
juugo Parker, and thus secure such reforms asaro
Svithin reach at this time. Fduf 'ycaraTSfeVftfr.'
Bryan declared imperialism to bo more important
than any economic question. Ills sincerity would
be open to criticism if today, on account of. differ
ences on the money question, ho refused to support
a man who stands squarely against imperialism,
and who has a chance to win. In like manner, ho
would also be open to criticism if he refuuod to
help reduce the army, which Judge Parker prornlnes
to do; or refused to assist in ridding this country
of the warlike spirit which President Roosevelt
has Inaugurated. In 1891 Mr. Bryan, after having
received a unanimous nomination for senator,
urged the democratic convention to nominate Judgo
Holcomb, the populist candidate for governor, and
ho gavo as his reason, that the nomination of a
democratic candidate at that time would not re
sult in the election of a democrat, but would assist"
the republicans; and that tho democrats, desiring
the defeat of the republican candidate, could best
accomplish that defeat by the support of the pop
ulist candidate. The convention took this view of
the subject and Judge Holcomb was endorsed and
elected. This was the beginning of fusion in Ne
braska. In supporting Judge Parker today, Mr.
Bryan is acting upon exactly the same principle.
To support Mr. Watson would be to help Mr.
Roosevelt and to deny to the people the good that
can be accomplished through the election of Parker
and Davis. It is argued that Judgo Parker's de
feat might hasten the re-organization of the demo
cratic party; but no one can afford to put the in
terest of his party, or of his faction of tho party,
above the Interests of his country. No one can
afford to become responsible for four years mora
of Rooseveltism In order to help his element of
the party obtain control of the party organization.
In other words, no one can afford t- do evil
lu the hope that good may come out of it. The
only safe plan is, to do at all times that which
seems best for the country; and at this time, tho
reduction of the army, tho ovorthrow of imperial
ism, the removal of tho race issue, and the sub
stitution of a spirit of peace for a spirit of war,
are the best things within reach, and these things
the election of Parker and Davis would help to
bring about. And sinco Mr, Bryan has declared,
and still bellevea, imperialism to be a grayer issue
than any economic question, he could not with
honesty or Honor fail Jo tender such assistance as
lie can, to tin re-establishment of the Declaration
ot Independence arid' constitutional government.