Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 4, 1904)
The Commoner ' WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER. Vol. 4, No. 42. Lincoln, Nebraska, November 4, 1904. Whole Number 198 Menace of Imperialism The American people sooner or later will bo required to give serious attention to the menace of militarism. The republican party has increased the army from 25.000, until the minimum is now 60,000, with a maximum of 100,000, to which the president can raise it without further authority. Who thought eight years ago at this time we would be discussing the size of the army? A small army had uecn the policy of this nation in the past. We had boasted that we didn't need a large mili tary estaDlishment, and people have come from every nation in Europe, drawn to this country not only by its principles of government but by the fact that there was no army burden upon the people, liight years ago we had 25,uQ0 soldiers and who will say that the number was not suiiiciont? What has now made more soldiers necessary? if wo have prosperity, if we havo happiness, If we have contentment, why do we need U0,UU0 bayonets to point but these blessing to the American people? Do we need a larger army to deal with the labor troubles? It uCpends entirely on the man ner in whicn you deal with labor troubles, if you deal with labor troubles through the department of justice an army of 25,000 is enough. If you deal with the laboring man through, tne war de partment, hen of course the, var ohlco must make the estimate, because If we are to have a govern ment of force, those who are charged with employ ing the. forces are perhaps in a- good position to estimate the amount of assistance they will need. '1 he labor question is one that we can not long put on: and one of the indictments against the repub lican party is that instead of doing justice to the man who earns his bread in the sweat of his brow, they want to wide- the n'h between the employer and employe and substitute hatred for good-will between the superintendents and those who do the work. The question we must meet is whether the la boring man is to be treated as a citizen or as an enemy of the country, to be driven to his toil by military force. That is the question involved in this large army. No republican speaker in this campaign has attempted to go into detail to show the need of 60,000 professional soldiers, 'ihe ex pense of the war department was $34,000,000 in 1S8G and $115,000,000 last year. Why this in crease? When the soldiers are called out in labor, troubles, in whose interest lire they called out? in the interest of the great corporations that are last becoming monopolies, and after these monopolies have robbed the American people of hundreds of millions of dollars, they now insolently demand that the people shall be burdened with taxation to furnish them soldiers to drive their employes down to the bare starvation point If the republicans deny that one of the pur poses of the increase is to. deal with the laboring r an under military authority, why is it that they used to erect forts upon the frontier to protect the pioneers irom the savage tribes, while now, they build the forts near our largo cities? It is a very serious thing-when any man gets so much money that he is willing to deny that the man who toils v.-Ji his hands was made in the image of the same God in whose image he was made, and that is the trouble today. It is a lack of sympathy between wan and man; and instead of dealing with these laboring men as urothers, the republican party raises the army, and would deal with them as enemies to be met at -the mouth of the gun. Democrats object to raising the army for this P"rpose. But 'to escape" that wil1 they say that we have to have' tne increased army for an im perial policy? Ifthey say that we need 60,000 sol u.ers to carry' on an empire when we only needed 25,00dfor a republic, "let them show why the Amer . ",-. -' lean people should adopt & policy that require that expenditure of the people's monoy. Not only did wo spegd a hundred and ilfteon millions on the war department last year, but wo spent enough on the navy to make the total appropriation for both departments more than $200,000,000. That is thirty times as much as we spent on tho agri cultural department. What do you think of a great agricultural nation spending $30 preparing to kill people for every dollar spent preparing to feed people? What do you think of the policy? And if we are to havo an increasing navy, as tho republicans now propose, and if we are not to do crease tho army and they do not propose to do crease it it means that every year wo will have a larger and larger appropriation for tho war and navy departments. JJJ Independence Not a "Scuttle" Policy Tho republicans, falling- in their effort to bolster up tho republican policy of imperialism, have rushed to tho use of epithets. Even "Undo Joe" Cannon has been driven to such desperation that he speaks of tho democratic policy of inde pendence for the Philippines as a "scuttle policy." "Uncle Joo" knows bettor than this, if ho were not too excited to think, or too scared to reason. The democrats want to do in tho Philippines ex- . actlywhat the republicans helped to do in Cuba. Did -we 'adopt a "scuttle policy" in Cuba? If so, then President Roosevelt was a ring-leader among the "scuttlors." We promised indopendenco to Cuba just as tho democrats want to promise Inde pendence to the Philippines. We kept our pledge tc the Cubans, just as tho democrats intend to keep the pledge that they want made to the Phil ippines. The republicans helped to haul down the American flag In Cuba, just as the democrats want to haul it down In the Philippines. The re publicans did not object to the raising of the flag of the Cuban republic; they ought not to object to the raising of the flag of the Philippine republic. Cuba, being near us, would be much more desir able as a part of our nation than the Philippine Islands. Cuba would be a source of strength, while the Philippines are a source of weakness; and yet when the Spanish war began, our nation was so anxious to avoid the appearance of a desire to exploit the Cubans, that It promised independence In advance. But the Cubans were entitled to inde pendence, not bee use we promised it, but because of their own inherent right to it. Our promise granted the Cubans no new rights; It simply recog nized their pre-existing rights. A promise of in dependence to the Filipinos would not confer new fights upon the Filipinos. It would simply assure 'them of our intention to recognize their Inalienable rights. The republicans ought to meet tho Phil ippine question In an open and honest way. Tho talk about "scuttling" is not only wilful misrepre sentation of the democratic position; but it be trays .a desire to substitute hard names for logic an evidence that the republicans are working up more, heat than enthusiasm. JJJ In the Senate It is an open secret that the United States senate is now a corporation-controlled body. It is important, therefore, that democratic repre sentation in that body be increased. There is an excellent opportunity for electing a democratic senator from Indiana. It would be well, therefore, If the people of Indiana paid considerable atten- , tion to tho contests in the various legislative dls- tricts throughout the state. The electlpn of dem ocrats to the legislature means the election of an Indiana democrat to the United States senate. A Word With Populists Some of tho popullsta crlticizo Mr. Bryan be cause ho advocates tho election of Judgo Parker. They point to tho fact that Uio populists supported Mr. Bryan in 1890. Tho caso is not parallel, as overyono must admit who has stopped for a mo ment to consider tho circumstances. In 1890, the populists endorsed Mr. Bryan's candidacy, because thoy thought by so doing thoy might be able to elect him and thus secure those reforms upon which the populists nnd democrats were agreed. With tho aid of thp populists, Mr. Bryan came so near election that a change of twenty thousand votes, properly distributed through the closa states, would havo changed the result. Tho pop ulists, therefore, acted wisely, In doing tho host they dfrould under the circumstances. If at thin , time the race was between Mr. Watson and Mr. Roosevelt, and Mr. Bryan could help dofcat Mr. Roosevelt with Mr. Watsdn, he would bo in the position that the populists occupied eight years ago, and would bo open to criticism if he refused to assist. But that is not tho situation today. If Mr. Bryan supported Mr. Watson, he would simply help elect Mr Roosevelt, and thus become respon sible for what Mr. Roosevelt might do; whereas, by supporting Judgo Parker, ho hopes to help elccfc juugo Parker, and thus secure such reforms asaro Svithin reach at this time. Fduf 'ycaraTSfeVftfr.' Bryan declared imperialism to bo more important than any economic question. Ills sincerity would be open to criticism if today, on account of. differ ences on the money question, ho refused to support a man who stands squarely against imperialism, and who has a chance to win. In like manner, ho would also be open to criticism if he refuuod to help reduce the army, which Judge Parker prornlnes to do; or refused to assist in ridding this country of the warlike spirit which President Roosevelt has Inaugurated. In 1891 Mr. Bryan, after having received a unanimous nomination for senator, urged the democratic convention to nominate Judgo Holcomb, the populist candidate for governor, and ho gavo as his reason, that the nomination of a democratic candidate at that time would not re sult in the election of a democrat, but would assist" the republicans; and that tho democrats, desiring the defeat of the republican candidate, could best accomplish that defeat by the support of the pop ulist candidate. The convention took this view of the subject and Judge Holcomb was endorsed and elected. This was the beginning of fusion in Ne braska. In supporting Judge Parker today, Mr. Bryan is acting upon exactly the same principle. To support Mr. Watson would be to help Mr. Roosevelt and to deny to the people the good that can be accomplished through the election of Parker and Davis. It is argued that Judgo Parker's de feat might hasten the re-organization of the demo cratic party; but no one can afford to put the in terest of his party, or of his faction of tho party, above the Interests of his country. No one can afford to become responsible for four years mora of Rooseveltism In order to help his element of the party obtain control of the party organization. In other words, no one can afford t- do evil lu the hope that good may come out of it. The only safe plan is, to do at all times that which seems best for the country; and at this time, tho reduction of the army, tho ovorthrow of imperial ism, the removal of tho race issue, and the sub stitution of a spirit of peace for a spirit of war, are the best things within reach, and these things the election of Parker and Davis would help to bring about. And sinco Mr, Bryan has declared, and still bellevea, imperialism to be a grayer issue than any economic question, he could not with honesty or Honor fail Jo tender such assistance as lie can, to tin re-establishment of the Declaration ot Independence arid' constitutional government.
