' wpwwvwj i""gi"flKWWI 'f5 2 tho greatest stato in the union, speaking in a re publican convention, presenting a candidate tor the highest ollice Jri the gift of tho greatest re public of history, this man tells us that all this talk of peace is an idlo dream; that we must still settle our destinies by our wars. That is an insult to the Christian civilization ' of tho world. Does this doctrine represent tno ideas and tho ideals of tho president? Many tear it does, for of all tho presidents we have ever had not one of them has possessed a tiihe of his mil itary spirit and entnusiasin. Wo havo had great soldiers In the white house. Washington was a soldier, Jacuson a soldier, Grant a soldier; but "Washington and Jackson and Grant combined nover had tho love of power and of military dis play that this one man combines in his disposi tion. The Americans should place in the white house a man who belloves in peace, instead of a man who belloves in tho glory of the display of arms. Mr. Roosovelt made a speech before the cadets at WJst Point in which ho said that a good soldier must not only be willing to fight, but anxious to flght. Death is the tragedy of human Ike,- and ho who takes human hie assumes an awful respon sibility, and yet to say that a good soldier mast not only be willing to flght, but anxious to iignt, means that a good soldier must not only willing to kill if need bo, but anxiousto kill, for fightiug moans killing. Some in the heat of passion havo taken human life. Tho government, in the en forcement of the law, has taken human Hie, and men In battle array, when they fought for what they thought more important than human hie, havo taJien human life. But what soldier that ovdr knew service on the battlefield believes that to be a good soldier means to carry around with you, like a concealed weapon, a desire to tae human life? Tho president should Instruct our boys in tho arts of peace, and not inspire them with a th.rdt for war. Ho should not be so fond of war that if loft to decido between peaceful means that must occupy some time and brilliant exploits of war, he should select tho exploits of war. Wo had an example in the case of Panama, a little republic. They sent one morning from tho department at Washington: "Understand that there is an uprising there." Tho answer came back: "Not yet; expected this afternoon:"'1 And in 'a few days we had a now reptifllic, and were preparing to make a treaty with It. My' friends, there was no necessity for trespassing upon the rights of thoso republics there; no necessity tor exciting alarm among the republics of Central and South America. What if we had been deal ing with a big nation Instead of a little nation? Would we havo done the same? Answer, if you will. If he had done that we would have been at war, and it would have been at an enormous cost. Would ho havo done it? How dare you say ne would bully a little nation, but would not act the same toward a big nation? Let us remove, by tho election of Parker and Davis, the racd question, the army question, the question of imperialism, and substitute peace for war. ! JJJ the Ideal-The Real . I have had people ask me why democrats seem to be so interisejy in earnest about their democ racy. I have had men say, "Why, w - some democrats, democracy is a sort "of religion." My reply .is that with every democrat who knows what democracy means it is a religion, and when you hear a good democratic speech it is so much like a sermon that you can hardly tell the dif ference between them. And why? ' Because a good sermon is built upon the ten commandments, tho sermon on the mount, and the eleventh com mandment "Thou shalt love tl'" neifeor as thyself." And a good democratic speech is built upon the doctrine of human brotherhood, equal rights, and self-government. When you get down to bedrock you find that love of mankind is tno basis of both, and democracy can never die while there is in democracy a love of mankind. Democ racy does not go as far, sometimes, as we would like to havo it go, but, my friends, we must not expect that wo will have everything as we wo-ild like it. Ask a mother, as she holds in her arms her baby boy, what her desire is, and she, will tell you that she desires that his heart will be so pure that it could be laid upon a pillow and not leave a stain; that his ambition will b i so holy that' he could whisper It in an angel's ear- and that his life will be so clean that his mother, his sister, his wife, his child? could read a record of his" every thought. and act without a-blush. That The Commoner. is the Ideal that every mother has for her "child. But asit her if she Is going to require that per fection in him, and from her heart she will tell you no; sho will say that is ner desire, bu: that sko will maue him as good as sho can; that she will follow his footsteps with a daily prayer; that her blessing will rest upon him wherever he goes throughout the world; and that she will hope, hope, yes, hope that when he dies the world will be better mat ho has lived. That is about all sno can say to you. And so, my tnends, if you asK me if my platform has all that 1 want in it, 1 say; no. You asit me if my candidate stands tor all I would like to uave him stand lor, 1 answer no. But shall I throw away the guod ne promises because I can not get all that 1 want? By what means can 1 secure more than 1 can secure through the election of Parser and Davis? There is no other way by which 1 can bring to my country at this time more of good than will be brought through their election. Reformers must oe patient. It is a alow work, this worn of reaching humanity; it is a slow work. I remember that just about' the time that they reported from the Philippine islands that the Filipinos had divided into squaas and that these separate squads had hidden in tne woods and formed maruading bandsjust beiore that time 1 read in an encyclopedia that about a thousand years ago the Anglo-Saxons were uoing the same thing. A thousand years ago! We have made progress but tnere is much ahead of us yet. It is only two or three hundred jears ago that we were burning witches; only a lew short dec ades since we were persecuting people for con science sake. We are doing better now, but we are yet far from the goal. If they tell you that we have reached a point where we arj so good that we cap cross an ocean 7,000 miles wide in order to lorce upon people belonging to another, branch of tho Cnristian church the doctrines of our uranch if they tell you that, answer Uiein that as long as in any great American city jou ecu get a larger crowd at $5 a ticket to see a prize fight than you can get to listen to a sermon, there is enough in this country yet to do without crossing tne ocean. We must be patient, I read a poem when I was in co.lege, one stanza of wnich has clung to my memory: Heavei Is not gained, by a single bound;.. We buiiu the ladder by which we nse . . l From the lowly earth to, the vaulted skies And modnt to itsTsum'mit round 'By rouna. You asit me if the' democratic ladder reaches to the Sx.xes? No, but as 1 Iook upward l see no ladder whose top is higher than ours. I plant my foot upon .uie low,er round; 1 will climb as lar as that ladder reaches and then I v ill pray to tho God of. Hosts that He may give us strengiu and wisdom t build it higher and higLer until us top is lost in tne clouds. We are doing now the best we can. .nile Judge Parser does not stand Lor all that I want, l did not stand eight years ao and tour years ago for all that some people wanted who voted tor me. Tel' me that he is net perfect; I can pr e by thousands of republican papers that the same criticism was made against tne candidate who ran four years ago and eignt years ago. We can not expect perfection. We can not expect to get all that we want at one time and in one niggle. A man who is living upon a farm does not raise his year's crop in one day. He plants the seed, waits till the seeds burst torch ana the sprouts appear; then he cultivates ne toils industriously, and if, as the result of the whole season's labor, he is able to fill his barns with plenty he feels that he is repaid fo- his sum mer's wont. We sow the seeds of thought broad cast in tne political world. I nave been sowing for many years. Sometimes it seems to me that tho seeds have fallen on stony places, sometimes on barren ground, but I hav.e seen evidence that some seeds have fallen in fertile soil and have grown up and brought forth an hundred told. As go about over the country if I can meet young men full of enthusiasm, .anxious to do something" for the world, and these young men tell me that at sonio meeting where I spoke and which they attended their hearts were quickened, their ambi tions made highqr and their desire for their na iton's welfare Increased, I feel that I have done some good. As I grow older I welcome these young men; I trust that their numbers may be increased and that victory may be hastened (Extract from Mr. Bryan's speech at Lawrence burg, ind.) The Situation in Nebraska The situation in Nebraska ? nerall- reassur ing. While 'the .republican managers -ciaim that Mr. Roosevelt will carry the state, they are mot .- - . VOLUME 4, NUMBER iX - quite so enthusiastic in their claims r,m . tho state .ticket Ulms conrnlng The democrats and populists in Nebmq.,n , united upon one of tho strongest state tikJ i ever presented to tho people. tlckets ! - George W. Berge, the nominee for governor a well known lawyer and has the confidence an respect of everyone who knows him x.or lieutenant governor, Dr. A. Townsend- for secretary of state, Rudolph E. Watzke; lor trW urer, J. M. OSborn; for auditor, J. s. Canadar for attorney general, Edward Whelan; for suuerin tendent of public instruction, A. A. Softly or land commissioner, A. A. Worley. All of these are .well known as eminently able and reputabla In' Nebraska, so far as the state ticket is con cerned, the issue is "Popular government against corporation rule." The fusion ticket represents popular government, and should be elected. Tho people may depend upon it that they will obtain material relief from the evils that have surround ed their state government. The fusion nominees for congress are as fol lows: First district, Hugh Lamaster; Second dis trict, Gilbert M. Hitchcock; Third district Pat McKillip; Fourth district, C. R. Gilbert; Fifth dis trict, Harry Mauck; Sixth district, W. B. McNeel. All of thdse gentlemen are able men, and while' it is too much to hope that every one of them will be elected, if seems safe to say that nearly every one of them has a fighting show, while Mr. Hitch cock, in the Second, and Mr. McKillip, in the Third, have considerable more than a lighting show. In the Fourth district Mr. Gilbert, and in the Fifth district Mr. .auck have excellent pros pects. The people of Nebraska have been greatly imposed upon by the corporations, and there are many reasons for believing that the people or this state have grown weary of corporation rule, and are determined to assert themselves by reg istering a vigorous protest against government of the many by the few. The Philippine Question We have spent in the last five years $600,000, ,1 000 v trying, to .force an alien government upon an ., unwilling, people, and what profit have we derived from it. We have sold $16,000,OQ0 of merchandise ' tl'iere', and if the government owned it all, and if it were all profit, it would be spending $G00,0U0,uU0 to get a chance to sell $16,000,000; out the govern ment does not own it, and it is not all profit. Tho profit is small, and what there is goes to private individuals, while the people at large bear the bur den of that Philippine policy. We have had it now for six years and the republican party is not will ing to announce the reasons in justification of its policy. For six years we have challenged the re publicans to defend imperialism. Four years ago we declared it the paramount issue of the cam paign, but the republicans refused then to meet the Issue; they refuse now to meet it. When we " asked them in 1900 what they were going to do with the Philippine islands, what did they say? Why, they said we cannot talk to the Filipinos while they have their guns in their hands. They said, let the Filipinos lay down their arms and ' then we will talk to them. Don't you remember what they said? Well, the Filipinos laid down their arms and then what did the republicans say? They said there was nothing to talk about. They would not discuss the question when there was war, because there was war, and they would not discuss it when we had peace, because tho 'end of the war, they said, settled tho question. And these republicans imagine that unless a man has a gun in his hand and has it aimed at you, he hasn't any right to demand consiueration or his rights; and if he has the gun and is aiming at you, he hasn't any right then, either. Why do the republicans refuse to discuss tins question? ? Why don't they give us the basis of the title which they claim? How c.d we get the jLulipinos? Did we buy them from Spain? wnat right has a republic to buy subjects of a Span ish king? Dempcrats deny the right of a republic based on the declaration of inde- 'erie to buy subjects from anybody at any price. If we can buy subjects of a Spanish king at $2.50 apiece, then we can sell them to some Qther king, when V? can get $5 for them, and make $2.50 on t no transaction. More than that,, if we can buy m pinos from a Spanish king, then our government can sell American, citizens into subjection to 1 Democrats deny the r)ght.of the government to sell.orfe human being tq any, king or poiui tate on'&axUi; and if w,' cannot sell Americans,