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SEPTEMBER SO, 104
The Commoner.
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IN HIS speech of acceptance, Judge Parker said:
"The common law, as developod, affords a com
plete legal remedy against monopolies." Repub
lican organs have made much of this statement.
In his letter of acceptance, Mr. Roosevelt ,said:
"It Is now asserted that 'the common law, as de
veloped, affords a complete legal remedy against
monopolies.' But there is no common law of the
United States. Its rules can be enforced onl by
the state courts and officers. No federal court or
officer could take any action whatevor under them.
It was this fact, coupled with the inability of the
states to control trusts and monopolies, which led
to the passage of the federal statutes knovns as
the Sherman anti-trust act and the interstate com
merce act, and it is only through the exercise of
the powers conferred by these acts and by tho
statutes of the last congress supplementing them
that the national government acquires any juris
diction over the subject. To say that action against
trusts and monopolies should bo limited is equiva
lent to saying that the national government should
take no action whatever to regulate them."
ANEW YORK lawyer, commenting upon Mr.
Roosevelt's statement and writing to the
New York World, says: "The supreme court of
the United States, however, takes a different view,
and says in a recent opinion, through Mr. Justice
Brewer, that there is a common law of the United
States. (Western Union Telegraph Company vs.
Call Publishing Company, 181 U. S. '92, decided in
1901.) The court said that while there was no
federal common law in the sense of a national
Customary law distinct from the comnion law of
England, as adopted by the several states each for
itself, applied to its local law subject to such al
terations as may be provided by its own statutes,
there was a common law In force generally
- throughout the United States, and tho countless
multitude of interstate commercial transactions aVe
subject, ' said the court to the rules of the com
mon law, except so far as they are modified by
congressional enactment. This language was used
by the court With reference to a case of alleged
discrimination by a public-service corporation, and
is equally applicable to the protection of commerce
against oppressive monopolies."
THE origin of the stripes useiP'in the convict's
garb is explained by a '"writefc? in the New Or
leans Times-Democrat. He says tner custom comes
from the old dispensation. This writer adds:
"For instance, in the laws and ordinances of Deut
eronomy, we find the following) which will give
us tho clue to tho origin of stripes as a badge of
infamy: 'If there be a controversy between men,
and they come unto judgment, that the judges may
judge them; then they shall justify the righteous,
and condemn the wicked. And it shall be, if the
wicked man he worthy to bo beaten, that the
judge shall cause him to lie down, and to be beaten
before his face, according to his fault, by a cer
tain number. Forty stripes he may give him, and
not exceed; lest if he should exceed, and beat him
above these with many stripes, then thy bi other
should seem vile unto. thee.' Now instead of in
flicting stripes we put striped clothes on the men
who offended the law, or who may come unto tho
judgment, that the -judges may judge them, as it
is put in the text. Of course, you could go much
fuither hack In history if you cared to trace the
marks of infamy, but you would find that physical
mutilation of some sort in. a majority of instances
afforded the means."
IN LARGE black letters In the main reception
room of the pension bureau at "Washington are
the words: ,"The lord hates a liar." The Wash
ington correspondent for' the- Chicago Inter Ocean
says that this admonition has been placed in the
pension bureau's reception room because of a
penchant of the applicants for pensions to magnify
the glory of their services. The Inter Ocean cor
respondent adds: "For many years the department
has wrestled with the problem of detraining
what is just, both to the. government, which pays
millions each year to civil war veterans, and to
those who present themselves .as entitled to special
recognition. Records of individual performances
are very vague, and It has proven a difficult matter
to adjust claims. Often.it has been found that
those who gavo tho most definite personal rssur
anccs had tho least credit in tho reports o" officers
in tho service. Weary at last, Commissioner Waro
ordered posted tho legend which appears aoovc, In
tho forlorn hopo that it might provo a warning
to thoso who arc Inclined to exaggerate their own
importance. Tho work was done somo tlmo be
Iween closing hours Saturday afternoon and tho
time for tho arrival of visitors Monday morning.
The clerics smiled significantly when they lead
tho Inscription upon the wall. Mr. Ware declined
to discuss tho matter."
TN HIS letter of acceptance, Mr. Roosevelt said:
"Since tho close of tho war with Spain there
has been no substantial chango in the rate of
annual expenditures." The editor of tho Dubuquo,
Iowa, Telegraph, commenting upon this state
ment, asks: "Is this a condition to commend or
to condemn? Is it to tho credit of tho adminis
tration that, compared with 1898 -tho year of
the Spanish-American war tho cost of govern
ment per capita has increased from $6.07 to $7.14,
the cost in 1903? In I860 tho cost of government
per capita was $2.01 or $10.05 for a family of flvo;
today it is $35.70 for tho same family."
IN THE light of Mr. Roosevelt's proud claim
this table showing the cast of government for
the last twenty years may bo interesting:
Per Cap
Net ita Ex
Year. Population. Expenses. penses.
1880 -..50,155783 $267,642,958.00 $5.31
1881 51,310,000 260,712,888.00 5.08
18S2 52,495,000 257,981,440.00 4.91
1883 53,093,000 205,408,238.00 4.94
1884 54,911,000 244,126,244.00 4.44
1885 56,148,000 260,226,335.00 4.C3
1886 57,404,000 242,483,138.00. 4.22
1887 58,680,000 267,932,179.00 4.56
1888 ...;. 59,974,000 267,924,901.00 4.46
1S89 ..;....... 61,289,000 289,288,978.00 4.88
1890 .i 62,222,250 318,040,710.00 5.07
1891 .::-r...... 63,947,000 305,773,905.35 5.72
1892 65,191,000 345,023,330.58 5.29
1893 66,456,000 383,477,954.49 5.77
1594 67,740,000 307,525,279.83 5.43
1895 69,043,000 356,195,298.29 5.16
1896 '. 70,365,000 352,170,446.08 5.01
1897 71,704,000 365,774,159.57 5.10
1898 ...; 73,060,000 443,308,582.80 6.07
1899 ... 74,433,000 605,072,179.85 6.14
1900 ... 76,295,220 487,713,791.71 6.39
1901 77,754,000 509,967,353.15 6.56
1902 79.117,000 471,190,857.64 5.96
1903 80,847,000 506,099,007.04 G.26
1904 81,867,000 582,569,086.06 7.14
PRINCE HERBERT VON BISMARCK, who died
recently, was the only remaining son of tho
great "iron chancellor," who had tho most to do
-with the building of tho Gorman empire. A writer
in the Cincinnati Enquirer says: "Prince Bis
marck's father trained him for his successor as
chancellor of the German empire, and advanced
him rapidly in the diplomatic service until, at the
age of 40, ho was minister of foreign affairs, In
which position he took part in nearly eveiy im
portant international transaction. Since tho re
tirement of his father in 1890, Prince Herbert
Bismarck ceased to be foreign minister, he has
taken no part in public affairs, save only as a
member of the reichstag. His attitude has ever
been that of a man who was not appreciated by
his sovereign and who was waiting in the back
ground for an opportunity to resume his career."
IT IS said that Prince Herbert steadfastly de
clined to join any political group and insisted
on calling himself an independent. He had a
haughty and imperious manner in early life when
he -was conscious of the fact that ho was the son
or- the most powerful statesman Europe- but the
Enquirer's correspondent says that this manner
softened in later life. According to this corre
spondent, an instance which nearly wrecked Pnnce
Herbert's career and which caused the chancellor
great annoyance, was Herbert's elopement with
Princess Carolath Beuthen, the wife of Prince
Karl the head of that distinguished SHesian house.
The 'princess was of the Hatzfcldt family, and
young Bismarck, at the tlmof was his father's' pri
vate secretary. Prlnco then count, Herbert Uvea
wjth. tho princess in southern Italy for a few
weoks, but, at the command of his father, returned
to Germany. Tho princess aftorward was divorced
from Princo Karl and has sinco died,
THE title of Princo Bismarck and the inrgo
fortune of tho deceased, will, according to
tno Enqulror's correspondent, go to his soven-ycar-old
son, Otto. This correspondent says: "1 ho late
Emperor Frederick gavo to Chancellor Bismarck
extonslvo forests at Frlcdcrichsruho, which h&vo
since increased in valuo, and tho chnncollor gavo
to Princo Horbcrt $2,400,000 in securities and cash.
Tho estate is now estimatod to bo worth $4,000,000
oxclusivo of tho lauds.
CONSIDERABLE interest now attaches to tho
question as to how Mr. Roosevelt will obtain
money for his ambitious schomes of territorial
expansion and to Incroaso the slzo of the army and
navy. A writer in tho Now York World jays that
this question Is not answered by the government's
figures of August Imports. Tho World writor
points out: "These show an increase from 1:302
of somo nino millions in value. But tho revenues
gain nothing, as will bo seen in this classification:
August imports. 1902. 1903. 1901.
Free of duty... $28,673,894 $35,130,329 $41,103,477
Duitlable 50,249,387 46,918,933 40,348,169
"Tho dutiable goods that got past tho DIngley
tariff wall were actually worth less last month
than In either 1902 or 1903. And the same decline
has been noted for some months. But expenditures
mount daily. August and July Bhowcd a deficit
of $24,000,000 $13,000,000 of which was for in
creased army und navy cost, although these two
items alone had in seven years risen from $82,
000,000 to $217,000,000. Mr. Roosevelt promises
if elected to go on as he has dono, still piling up
vaster and vaster war budgets. But where will ho
get the money? Will he ask congress to iclm
poso tho Spanish war taxes and to seek other
now revenue sources, since these alone would
probably not suffice? Or will he run the nation
in debt for 'current' expenses?"
AFTER a separation or 54 years, Hugh Murphy
of Minneapolis met his sister, Mrs. Mary
Caasidy, whom he lost track of in Ireland. The
New York American tells the story in this vay:
"Back in 1850 the brother and sister decided to
come to America, and in accordance with this plan
the .sister started first, oxpectlng her brother Hugh
to, meet her shortly after in New York. She went
to Now York as they had planned, but upon
Hugh's arrival ho was unable to find her. During
the first year of his stay Jn this country Hugh
Murphy wandered about for many months In
search of his sister whom he had lost in New
York. His long search seemed to be in vain, how
ever, and after over a year of weary tramping he
finally settled in Minneapolis. Ho worked in this
city for many years, and finally by dint of energy
and perseverance amassed a considerable fortune.
As he felt that old age was creeping upon him
the longing to hear from some of his kinsmen
came upon him and he wrote to one of his rela
tives in Ireland. A correspondence between them
developed the fact, that the relatives in the old
country irnew the whereabouts of the sister from
whom he had so long been separated. From them
lie learned that she lived In La Porte, Ind., and
without waiting further he went down to Indiana
to see her."
THE" democratic campaign textbook for 190-Ti
said to be one- of the most Interesting publi
cations over Issued by a political commltee. In
this work the arraignment of imperialism' is par
ticularly strong. For instance, it is said: "The
United States lias no issue involving greater re
sponsibility than the retention of tho Philippine
Archipelago with its liberty-seeking people. In
the ever-increasing casuistry the opinions ex
pressed by fearless statesmen, great educators and
soldiers can well be taken Into account They
are better entitled to credence than the partisan
statements of persons forced by official employ
ment to support an administration at which they
are part.
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