1-llViliimni,ii v 'WM55r5S5
3
SEPTEMBER 30, 1SF04
the Boston Stock Exchange. The Milwaukee News
editor says: "Mr. Lawson does not confine him
self to generalities. Ho presents a bill of particu
lars to clinch his sweeping indictment. Ho de
clares that the managers of bucketshops have
partners acting as brokers on the floor of the ex
change. Through fictitious transactions on the
exchange, the customers of the bucketshops are
wiped out' They are 'skinned' by a 'sure-thing
game, in which the stock exchange serves as the
loaded dice."
Then this editor declares that Mr. Lawson
mistakes liberty for license; that ho is "abusing
the privilege of frea speech;" that "he is treading
upon dangerous ground." The News editor ex
plains: "In making revelations of the methods
employed by the pillars of society in accumulating
great wealth, Mr. Lawson is guilty of 'setting
class against class.' He seeks to discredit Uie
prudence, integrity, thrift and foresight taat havo
enabled the 'business men' of the stock oxcLange
to accumulate 'competencies.' He is playing upon
the passions of the people, arousing hatred and
envy. He is a 'disturber,' seeking to tear down the
commercial and financial foundations upan which
rests our 'great prosperity.' "
JJJ
Every Encroachment Important
The absurdity of the colonial system under
our form of government is well shown by the
absurd position of the Porto Itlcans as to nation
ality. Writing to the New York Times. I). Col
lazo says that in 1902, Mrs. Isabella Gonzalts, a
niece of Mr. Collazo's wife, and a native of Porto
Rico, came from San Juan to New York. Mrs.
Gonzales was not permitted to land, the reason
being given that she was an "alien," and liable
to become a public charge, notwithstanding Mr.
Collazo's guaranty for her support as a member
of his family. The case was taken before the
United States circuit court, which court decided
that Mrs. Gonzales was an "alien." It was then
taken to the United States supreme court.
Referring to the decision of that court, Mr.
Collazo says:
The supreme court from the lofty heights
of Its judicial -wisdom decided that my relative
could land, but that the Porto Ricans were
neither Americans nor- foreigners; or rather,
did not decide this, It decided that it had not '
decided anything. It left the Nationality of the
Porto Ricans in suspense.
Mr. Collazo says that no one seems to know
what may turn up to enable the supreme court to
reach any conclusion, but he adds that in tne event
of Mr. Roosevelt's defeat ho suspects what may
happen and that is that congress will pas3 a law
in which it will state:
Article I. The Porto Ricans are citizens
of the United" States for the reason that they
were such ever since Jan. 1, 1899.
Mr. Collazo says that such a law would be en
tirely proper "because, if since they ceased to be
Spanish citizens they have not been American
citizens, what in the name of heaven have they
been?"
Mr. Collazo propounds a perpexlng question.
When the Porto Ricans ceased to be Spanish citi
zens, they should have been permitted to allign
themselves with some nationality. To say that
they are to be subject to our jurisdiction, required
to live under our laws, and yet be denied the priv
ilege of being' United States 'citizens is a thing
that would not have been thought of prior to the
period of present-day republicanism.
Many people appear indifferent to the en
croachments upon liberty if the encroachments
seem at the time to be small. Many fail to see
in the government of Porto Rico by executive
power, in the denial to the Porto Ricans of the
privilege of nationality and in the refusal to grant
the Filipinos the right of self-government, any
evil serious enough to warrant consideration.
Daniel Webster, in a speech delivered in the sen
ate May 7, 1834, provided these people with an
important hint when he said: "Every encroach
ment, great or small, is important enough to
awaken the attention of those who are entrusted
with the preservation of a constitutional govern
ment We are riot to wait till great public mis
chiefs come, till the government is overthrown,
or liberty itself put into extreme jeopardy. Wo
should not be worthy sons of our fathers were wo
so to regard great questions affecting tho general
freedom. Those fathers accomplished the revolu
tion on a strict question of principle. The parlia
ment of Great Britain asserted a right to tax the
colonies fn all cases whatsoever; and it was pre
cisely on this question that they made the revo-
The Commoner.
lutlon turn. The amount of taxation was trifling,
but tho claim itself was inconsistent with iibeity;
andthat was in their eyes enough. It waa against
tho recital of an act of parliament, rather than
against any suffering under its enactments, that
they took up arms. They went to war ajalnBt a
preamble. They fought seven years against a
declaration. They poured out their treasures and
their blood like water, in a contest against an
assertion which those less sagacious and not so
well schooled in the principles of civil liberty
would have regarded as barren phraseology, or
mere parade of words. They saw in tho claim of
the British parliament a seminal principle of mls
"chief, tho germ of unjust power; they detected
it, dragged it forth from underneath its plausihlo
disguise, struck at it; nor did it elude either their
steady or well directed blow till they had extir
pated and destroyed it, to tho smallest fibre. On
this question of principle, while actual suffering
was yet far off, they raised their flag against a
power, to which for purposes of foreign conquest,
and subjugation, Rome, in the height of hor glory,
is not to bo compared; a power which has dotted
over the surface of tho whole globe with her
possessions and military posts; whose morning
drum-beat, following tho sun and keeping company
with the hours, circles tho earth with one continu
ous unbroken strain of tho martial airs of Eng
land." .
JJJ
A Mighty 5truggle
When the New York World and the Brooklyn
Eagle arc not congratulating their readers that
the democratic party has become "safe and sane,",
or denouncing democrats who supported tho ticket
in 1896 and in 1900, those publications are en
gaged in a wrangle concerning the proposition,
"should Judge Parker accept tho World or the
Eagle as the better guide?"
Just now the Eagle is insisting that Judge
Parker shall accept its advice, while tho World
contends that Judge Parker should keep close to
the line laid down by the World editor.
Inasmuch as Mr. Pulitzer and Dr. McKelway
have assumed to take charge of the democratic
party, is it not about time that these leaders
formally open the campaign and direct their shafts
against the foe. Unless the differences between
Messrs. McKelway and Pulitzer are soon settled,
election day will be at hand before it is deter
mined whether as a guide Pulitzer is tho "safest,"
or whether as a philosopher and friend, McKelway
is tho "sanest."
JJJ
British Corporation
A Brooklyn reader of Tho Commoner gives
this interesting reminder: "In your frequent com
ments on the coal trust, there is one fact that you
always overlook. This fact is that this gigantic
nnnnw tynt Tins taken the American people by
the throat, is practically a British corporation.
After J P. Morgan had bought this property for
his English capitalists, the British parliament
levied an export duty on coal. On tho day the
bill passed the house of commons, Mr. Morgan
was there as the invited guest of tho prime min
ister. It is right, therefore, that the American- peo
ple should know that when Mr. Baer raises the
price of coal 25 or 50 cents a ton, he does so at
the behest of half a dozen English capitalists
who have thus acquired the power to levy at will
on every householder in the United States.
JJJ
A World-Power in 1850
A Culpepper, Va., correspondent for the New
York World, pointing out that the strength of
our armv and navy in 1850 was many times less
than it is today, directs attention to the tribute
pa?d in 1850 to this government by Richard Cob
den Mr. Cobden said: "I sometime? quote tho
Untied Stales of America, and I think in this
matter of self-defense they set us a very good
SamSle Does anybody dare to attack that na
tion There is not a more formidable power in
every sense of the word-although you may talk
olFrance and Russia-than the United States of
America, and there is not a statesman with a head
on hfs shoulders who does not know it, and yet the
policy of the United States has been to keep a very
small amount of armed force In existence.
JJJ
Whack Up"
R IL Spence, chairman of the republican state
committee for Iowa has addressed a letter to all
Iowans In the government department at Wash
ington, notifying them, according to tho Chicago
Record-Herald, that a thrco por cont assessment
for a campaign fund has been levied upon their
salaries. Thcso assessment calls aro written upon
tho lcttor head of tho stato contral commlttuo and
aro as follows:
Tho republican stato contral committee hag
ontered into the campaign realizing that tho
important position which Iowa has taken by
reason of rccont largo republican majorities
should bo maintained. Tho committee also
feels that tho campaign is an exceedingly im
portant ono with reference to tho future of ,
the party In Iowa, as It marks a chango of.
management in tho democratic party, and the
result of tho work this year will doubtless
stand for years as a comparative measure of
tho strength of the two parties in tho stato.
Tho committeo belloves that, as an Iowan,
you -arc. sufficiently Interested In tho work in
this stato to mako a contribution based upon
tho salary which you aro receiving, and wo
vonturo to suggest as tho amount which .
might be considered equitable In your case.
Tho republican party has always boasted of
its devotion to civil servico principles and in his
letter of accoptanco Mr. Roosovelt said: "In 1896
tho republican party came Into power and in 1900
it retained power on cortaln definite pledges each
of which was scrupulously fulfilled."
Among the "dofinite pledges" wna tho promlso
to enforce tho civil servico law. It appears that
that law is being enforce(Land tho pledge is being
as "scrupulously fulfilled" as a number of the other
"doflnito pledges" made by tho republican party.
JJJ
An Educational Campaign
The Commoner believes that tho public bhould
own tho railroads; that wo should havo an Income
tax; that federal judges should be elected by the
people whom they are presumed to serve; that
there should bo municipal ownership of public
utilities in overy community; that United States
senators should bo elected by tho people. The
Commoner belloves that "a private monopoly Is
indefensible and intolerable."
Upon these lines Tho Commoner Intends to do
its part In the great educational campaign upon
which the American people aro about to enter.
Those who agree with The Commoner on these
lines may And in tho special subscription offer an
opportunity to help in this great educational cam
paign. The increase in tho circulation of The Com
moner means tho widening of its sphere of
influence.
According to tho terms of this special sub
scription offer, cards, each good for one year's sub
scription to The Commoner will be furnished In
lots of Ave ,at the rate of $3 per lot. This places
the yearly subscription rate at CO cents.
Anyone ordering these cards may sell thcxa
for ?1.00 each,' thus earning a commission of $2.00
on each lot- sold, or he may sell them at the cost
price and find compensation in the fact that he
has contributed to the educational campaign.
These cards may bo paid for when ordered,
or they may bo ordered and remittance mads
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below for the convenience of those who desire to
participate in this effort to increase The Com
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