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ministration and appeal to the people to substi
tute' constitutional and orderly government lor
the prcsont despotism. They insist that each in
dividual shall bo held accountable for his conduct
and that punishments prescribed hy law shall bo
inflicted according to law when the guilt of the
accused has boon established by the courts.
Tho situation in Colorado calls for patriotic,
and rational treatment. The root of tho troublo
la to bo found in tho lack of sympathy between
employer and employes and no permanent peaco
can come until they begin to deal with each other
in a different spirit. Tho employers have arrayed
themselves against tho just demands of those -who
aro engaged iri manual labor and the feeling has
becomo more and moro unfriendly As tho con
troversy has grown out of tho needs of the em
ployes, it can not be settled by tho substitution of
other employes unless they have lower aspirations
and fewer needs.
Tho miners' union has sprung into existence
to securo for the laborers tho reforms which they
need for themselves and for their families. An
entirely new set of laborers, if of equal intelligence
and ambition, would have the same nepds and
would in a short time form a new union to enforce
tho same demands. The Peabody plan, then, must
result not only in present injustice and disregard
of civil rights, but it involves a constant repetition
of tho scenes which have been witnessed In Cripple
Creek, with increasing tension between the classes.
Tho mine owners of Colorado can not work the
mines themselves and if for their own temporary
profit they aro willing to fill their mines witn less
skilful, less competent and less ambitious workmen
they will only aggravate conditions and invite now
forms of trouble.
Tho democrats would substitute reason for
force and instead of attempting to coerce the wage
earners into the acceptance of unfair conditions
would remove animosity and restore good will by
a scrupulous recognition of tho rights of both em
ployer and employe. They favor remedial legisla
tion which will insure justice as between man
and man.
A democratic victory in Colorado this year will
not only bo a boon to that state but it will be a
warning to 'employers in other states to observe
the constitution and the laws in dealing with
their employes.
t
J J J.
14 Words Are Good"
Under date of August 30, Mr. Roosevelt wrote
to General Boynton, representing the army of tho
Cumberland, a letter in which he paid a high
tribute to the services of tho volunteer soldiery
during the civil war, adding:
In any great crisis of war this nation
must rely mainly upon its volunteer soldiery,
and the veterans of the civil war have left us
forever the model of what such a soldiery
should be. We of tho younger generation owe
you a debt greater than we can ever pa3,
alike in the lessons you taught us in war,
and for the lessons you tnught in peace.
Mr. Roosevelt seems to have becomo "sud
denly impressed with the importance of the part
the volunteer soldiery plays. During tho Spanish-American
war, under date of Santiago, July
25, 1898, Mr. Roosevelt sent to Secretary of War
Alger, the following letter: "We earnestly hope
you will send most of the regulars and at any
rate the cayalry division, including tho Rough
Riders, who are as good as any regulars and
three times as good as any state troops, to Fcrto
Rico. There are 1,800 effective men in this di
Tision. If thoBe who were left behind were joined
to them, wo could land at Porto Rico In this
cavalry division close to 4,000 men who would be
worth, easily, any 10,000 national guards, armed
with olack powder, Springilelds, or other archaic
weapons."
Secretary Alger, under date of Washington,
August 4, 1898, sent by cable the following Veply:
'Col. Theodore Roosevelt, Santiago: Your let
ter of the 23d is received. The regular army, tho
volunteer army, and tho Rough Riders have done
well, but I suggest that unless you want to spoil
the' effects and glory of your victory, you make
no invidious comparisons. The Rough Riders
are no better than other volunteers. They had an
advantage in their arms, for which they ouht to
be very grateful. R. A. Alger, Secretary of Man"
"" Mn Roooveltv seems now to bo greatly im
pressed because of the great debt that "we oi the
'younger .generation" owe to the men who on land
s- and on sea,, proved their devotion. to their country.
J ? T5..- mtfTimif tYialrinir ffi nan Mr Alrmr'c -.
"invidloua comparisons," we can not forget that
V '"invidious comparJ
The Commoner. .
this same Theodore Roosevelt lost no opportunity
to administer snubs to Admiral Dewey, the neio
of Manila bay. Wo can, not forget that this same
Theodore Roosevelt undertook to place tlie Diana
of cowardice upon Admiral Schley, the hero of
S'antiago bay. We can not overlook the fact that
this same Theodore Roosevelt permitted General
Nelson A. Miles to retire from his place a tho
head of tho array after forty years of faithful serv
ice to tho American people with nothing more by
way of recognition than the brief and.coie-ulooded.
order written by one' of General Miles' discredited
subordinates.
Ono of Mr. -Roosevelt's ' favorite sayings is
"Words aro .good when backed up by deeds and
only so." It is 'difficult to escape the suspicion
that Mr. Roosevelt's profession of sympatny, for
the American soldiery has a distinct campaign,
flavor.
' JJJ
Judge Parker's Letter
In another column The Commoner reproduces
in full Judge Parker's letter of acceptance.
On the question of imperialism, self-govern-ment
and the encroachment of executive author
ity, Judge Parker makes himself very clear.
He maintains that "if we would maintain our
liberties and constitutional rights unimpaired we
can not permit or tolerate at any time or for any
purpose the arrogation of unconstitutional powers
by the executive branch of our government. We
should be ever mindful of the words of Webster:
Liberty is only to be preserved by maintaining
constitutional restraints and a just division of
political power.' "
On the question of imperialism Judge Parker
says: "The issue of imperialism which has been
thrust upon the country involves the decision
whether the law of the land or the rule of indiv
idual caprice shall govern. The principle of im
perialism may give rise to brilliant, startling,
dashing results, but the principle of democracy
holds in check the brilliant executive and subjects
him to the sober, conservative control of the
people."
On the question of self-government, as ap
plied particularly to the Philippines, Judge Parlter
says "In'some quarters it lias been assumed; that!
in tho discussion of tho "Philippine question in my.
response, the phrase 'self-government,' was i'n-
tended to mean something less than independence.
It was not intended that it should be understood
to mean, nor do I think as used it does mean less
than independence. However, to eliminate all
possibility for conjecture. I now state that I am in
hearty accord with that plank in our platform
that favors. doing for the Filipinos. What we have
already done for the Cubans; and I favor making
the promise to them now that we shall take such
action as soon as they are reasonably prepared for
it. if independence, such as the Cubans enjoy, can
not be prudently granted to the Filipinos at this
time, tho promise that it shall come the moment
they are capable of receiving it will tend to stimu
late rather than hinder their development. And
this should be done, not only in justice to he
Filipinos, but to preserve our own rights; for a
free people can not., withhold freedom from an
other people and themselves remain free. The
toleration of tyranny over others will soon breed
contempt for freedom and .self-government, and
weaken our power of resistance to insidious usur
pation of our constitutional rights." .
Other features of Judge Parker's letter will
be treated In a subsequent issued
i
All Against Republics
The Kansas City Journal, a republican paper,
undertakes to pay a tribute to the Missouri mule
and so- far as its claim that the Missouri .animal
has "more docility, more forbearance, more pa
tience, more eood nature and more enerev ami
powers of endurance than has any other breed of
animals" is concerned the Journal makes a pretty
good case. But tho Journal sayst
The mules of grand ojd Missouri aro lndls
pensible. During the Boer war 115,000 mules
were taken to South Africa. They helped the
English to win and are. now engaged in en
veloping the country.
The American people have not forgotten that
during the Boer war large numbers of muis were
taken to South Africa. It has been frequently
charged that these shipments were used to heln
the English winMbut webelieve that this is the
first time a republican paper has admitted that so
w . VOLUME 4, NUMBER n
large a", number, as, 115,000 mules were shim,,
froni this country. ' mVm
Tho American people will not soon forcof fw
these shipments were permitted by a renuwli
administration.-. Tho Journal might add to u
reputation for frankness if it would ascertain n?J
-make public tho number of men who wore
cruitod at the British camn at New nrinnm ,.,
camp at New Orlonr.o ,..
republican administration m this courtry anJ
recruited,, as the 115,000 mules were shinned i:
the purpose of "helping the English to win "
It will be remembered that the friends of ihn
Boers appealed to the federal court at New Or
leans for an injunction "to prevent shipments of
horses and mules to the British troops in bouth
Africa. A cabinet meeting was called and the
president and his advisors took the position that
the courts had no jurisdiction in matters aiieoliuc
the International policies of government, inas.
much as the New Orleans case involved neutrality
it was agreed in the cabinet that the court3 were
without jurisdiction and that the executh c should
enjoy a monopoly of authority in the premises.
The cabinet opinion seemed to be sufficiently
powerful to prevent any relief in the cuuus at
any time; and yet, it was very generally agreed
by lawyers that the question was, properly, ono
for the courts.
During the administration of Benjamin Har
rison, while civil war was pending in Chili, tho
United States court at San Diego, California, is
sued a writ for the seizure of a vessel hut had
been loaded with munitions of war, on the ground
that it -was engaged in the violation of the neu
trality laws. While this vessel was in the custody
of a United States marshal, it was forciblj wrested
from his control and put to sea. Our government
made a demand upon the Chilian government that
this vessel and its cargo be returned to the of
ficers of the court, and this demand was recog
nized. In his message to congress, President Har
rison, referring to this point, said: "It would
have been inconsistent with tho dignity and scif-
respect of this government not to have insi&ted
that the Itata should be returned to San Diego
to abide'the judgment of the court."
Is it not clear that Benjamin Harrteun, who
stood high among the lawyers of the country, did
not entertain the notion -that in the interpretation
of the neutrality laws the judiciary was without
authority and that the executive alone had juiis
diction? In the same message President Harrison re
ferred to a trial in the federal court of California
which trial , resulted in a decision holding that
inasmuch as one of the contestants in a rvar had
not been recognized as a belligerent, the acts dono
in its interest could not be a violation of our neu
trality laws. "From this judgment," says Presi
dent Harrison, "the United States has appealed
that we may know what the present stat of our
law is; for if this construction of the statute is
correct, there is obvious necessity for revision and
amendment."
If this were a matter purely of executive
authority the government would not have appealed.
A cabinet meeting would have been held and notice
would "have been served upon the f edoral court that
in attempting to interpret the laws, the judiciary
was trespassing-upon the rights of the executive
branch of the government, a branch whlcn, ac
cording to old-fashioned notions was designed for
the execution rather than the interpretation oi
laws. . .
But President Harrison, it will be observed,
said that an appeal was taken "that we may Know
what tho present state of our law is."
There we have, very clearly stated, benja
min Harrison's idea that when any doubt exists
concerning a law, the judiciary must determine i ii,,
the judiciary is the branch of government wmtu
is to interpret law. . , in ihn
But Benjamin Harrison was educated in w
old-fashioned school of law as well as in the
fashioned school of statesmanship. He nan now
learned that in this government the executive i
the single power before which all other power
must bow. He had not learned that the mancaw
ot men in executive positions is potent uresis
tive, of the equities of the situation.
t Class Against Class
Thomas 'W. Dawson, the Boston naJ1?Jear,1J!!
Written an open letter to the governor of t"
ton Stock Exchange in, which letter Mr. iwj"
charges that' the Exchange is "being useiJ ay
the people in a meaner and more contemptiuje .
than- the: pickpocket or highwayman WLiy
Tho editor of the Milwaukee News becamo "'
indignant after readinsCMrvBawson's opis"-
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