I'Vj0rn4W- 'jwy ' ' "
SEPTEMBER 23, 1904
serious. As the Wall Street Journal says: "Even
1C Mr. Morgan had called upon President Roose
velt and had a long interview with hliu, there
would have been nothing in such an incident
that would be open to criticism."
Mr. Morgan in newspaper interviews has re
peatedly said that he is supporting Mr. Roosevelt.
No secret is made of the political alliance between
the republican administration and the J. Pier
pont Morgan interests. Why, "then, should any
one criticise when Mr. Morgan confers with his
favorite candidate for the presidency?
Of course the fact that Mr. Morgan is sun-
porting jlr. Roosevelt does not tend to reassure
the American people, because Mr. Morgan is a
very shrewd man and is not In the habit of giving
his support to candidates upon whom he may not
reasonably depend in the event of their election.
JJJ
Charming Candor
In referring to the presidential campaigns of
1890 and 1900 the republican organs are becoming
wonderfully candid these day. For instance, in a
recent' issue of Harper's Weekly, it is said:
Our present, practical diagnosis of the sit-
uation is that the chief danger to the repub-
lican ticket lies in the big campaign funds
utilized successfully by Mr. Hanna in 1896 and -
. 1900. Each year more than five millions of
dollars were raised and expended. A good
many of these dollars went, of course, for lit
erature, clerical and oratorical expenses, etc.,
but a very fair percentage must have gone to
"workers." There is no such direct vote-buying
nowadays" as there was when Indiana was
'split up into blocks of Ave, but there is no
doubt that many, many thousands of tried- and
true citizens, who incidentally have the privi
lege of voting, were paid pretty liberally for
the time they gave to the service of the re
publican management in 1896 and 1900. Now
every politician is awake to the danger of
suddenly withdrawing rations previously sup
plied to this class of mercenaries. Resentment
but mildly expresses their sentiment; revenge
takes possession of their hearts, and is sup
plemented by a very practical determination to
"teach 'em a lesson." How large the class is
this year can not be estimated with accuracy
by one not in possession of the private records
of the recent campaigns, but it is pretty big
and it is confined within the borders of states
where every vote counts. There are two reasons
why we consider that in this condition lies the
chief menace to republican prospects. One is
that there exists no common peril making pos
sible the raising of so great a fund, and the
other is tbat Mr. Cortelyou would not know
what to 'do with it if he had it. Moreover, we
do honestly believe that both he and his chief
would rather be beaten than profit by un
worthy agencies. So there you are!
Of course, this republican organ puts it very
mildly when it says: "Each year more than five
millions of dollars were raised and expended."
We have 'It on the authority of Mr. Thomas WT
Lawson, that eminent financier'who also boasts-of
his devotion to the republican party, that in the
republican campaign of 1896, within a few days
of election, a "hurry-up calL was made lor $5,
000,000" and that the same was promptly con
tributed. ,But it is more interesting to hear from a
republican organ of the standing of Harper's
Weekly, the confession that in 1896 and 1900 money
was used so freely and so unscrupulously that the
elements upon which the republican managers re
lied to win became addicted to the bad habit
of expecting money before their .enthusiasm is
aroused.
It is interesting to read in Harper's Weekly
the confession that while a good many of these
dollars went for literature, clerical and oratorical
expenses, "a very fair percentage must have gone
to 'workers.' "
It is interesting to read in Harper's Weekly
the plain admission that "many, many thousands
of tried and true citizens who incidentally have
the privilege of voting were paid pretty liberally
for the time they gave in the service of the re
publican management in 1896 and 1300."
And then, referring to these "many, many
thousands of tried and true citizens," Harper's
Weekly points out that "now every politician Is
awake to the danger of suddenly withdrawing ra
tions previously supplied to this class of mercen
aries." According to Harner's Weekly, "these tried
and true citizens" are liable to show resentment
and to be revenceful when they are not paid money
for their influence and their votes!
And after admitting the methods employed In
The Commoner.
1896 and 1900, Harper's Weekly says: "Wo do
honestly believe that both he (Cortelyou) and his
chief (Roosevelt) would rather bo beaten than
profit by unwdrthy agoncles." Harpor's WeoKly
seems to pay a tributo to the republican candiuate
and the republican leaders of 1U04 at the expense
of the republican candidate and tho republican
loaders of 1890 and 1900. Does Harper's Weekly
mean to say that the republican caudidnto lor
1904 has a higher conception of politlcul honosty
than tho republican candidate of 1890 and 19uU
had? Does Harper's Weekly undertako to make it
appoar that the methods that wore employed to
the advantage of. the republican candldato in 1896
and 1900 were such "unworthy agoncles" that the
republican candidate of 1904 would not tolerate
them?
"Are we so soon forgotten" that editors who
professed such devotion to Mr. McKlnley now seek
to advance Mr. Roosevelt's political fortunes by
making It appear that Mr. Roosevelt would rather
bo beaten than profit by tho 'unworthy agencies"
which these republican editors say were employed
to win republican victory in 1896 and 1900?
JJJ
"A Strange Tale"
The Chicago Inter Ocean, republican, pretends
to be very indignant and all bocause of "a strange
tale that comes from Washington."
According to this story, H. II. Rogers, tho
trust magnate, recently visited Mr. Roosevelt and
explained that the supreme court's decision in tho
Northern Securities case had caused him and his
associates "grave apprehension." According to
this "strange tale" Mr. Rogers said that he heard
the administration contemplated some action
against the steel trust. He wanted to know wheth
er Mr. Roosevelt had any such Intentions.
The Chicago Inter Ocean tells tho story and
comments upon It In this fashion:
Then Mr. Rogers tried to convince the
president that It was "Impracticable" for the
United States Steel and other consolidations
now to obey the law. Ho hoped the president
would reconsider his determination, especially
if he expected to succeed himself as president.
The president answered that ho had not dis
cretion, as ho must enforce tho law.
"Then there will be war," Mr. Rogers is
said to have oxclalmed, rising from his chair.
"War or no war," answered Mr. Roosevelt,
"tho law shall be no by-word."
Such is the strange tale that comes from
Washington a tale that would bo incredible
were it not known that the man who asked
the insulting question represented those who
have on other occasions displayed a similar
impropriety of conduct, and were it not known
that the men who made the impudent threat
have not hesitated In the past to attempt
similar insolent dictation.
We have but to remember tho famous
Rockefeller telegram to tho senate. Attempts
were made to shuffle off responsibility for
that upon the folly of young Mr. Rockefeller,
but whatever its source its arrogance was seen
to be typical of the attitude of the men now
said to nresume to threaten tho president
of the United States.
That these men should have presumed to
ask that insulting question and to make that
impudent threat is therefore by no means in
credible. There Is one point, however, that
these gentlemen would do well to remember.
When they threaten war unless they can have
immunity from the laws they threaten more
than Theodore Roosevelt. They threaten, the
president of the United States and through
him they threaten tho whole American people.
They would do well to remember what is
the fate of those who callenge the American
people to war.
It is difficult to believe that the Inter Ocean
is really as mad as it pretends to be. Even if
this Washington story were true is it in the least
surprising that these trust magnates who pro
vided the republican party with an enormous cam
paign fund in 1896 and again in 1900 should
conceive the idea that they had a right to make
demands upon the party that had won victory and
victory upon trust funds?
The American people must remember that
these same men undertook to dictate to the
vo?e?s of ?his country in 1896 and 1900. Then
such publications as the Chicago Inter Ocean told
us thSt these men represented the "business In
terests" and that thoughtful men would be guided
by their counsels.
The Inter Ocean's "Strange Tale" will, how
ever 'create many smiles. J. Plerpont Morgan H.
H Rogers and their associates are not apt to
3
differ upon a question of politics. The Idea that
Mr. Rogers Is seriously alarmed bccatiflo of any
contemplated action against the steel trust I
absurd when wo romember that J. Plerpont Mor
gan has declared in favor of Mr. Rooaovolt' elec
tion and that tho New York Sun and llarper'8
Weekly, both under Mr. Morgan's control, arc
giving cordial support to Mr. RoohovcU. Only a
few days ago, Mr. E. II. Harrlman, president of
tho Union Pacific railroad announced: "It Is all
going one way. No ono wants to put tho re
publicans out."
Is It not, then, Just as absurd for these re
publican papers to undertako tov mako it appear
that the trust magnates aro arrayed against Mr.
Roosovclt as it Is for a republican organ to pre
tend to bo indignant because a trust manipu
lator Is said to have demandod at the hands of
republican officeholders fulfillment of flic pledges,
direct or Implied, inado to tho trusts when thoy
provided tho republican party with its cairipaiga
funds?
JJJ
Income and Outgo
In lits letter of acceptance, Mr. Roosovclt naid:
"As conclusively shown by the bulletins of tho
burenu of labor, tho purchasing power of the aver
age wage received by tho wagc-workor has grown
faster than tho cost of living, and this in splto
of the continual shortening of working hours."
Tho wagc-worlcors of tho country aro doubt
less prepared to toll Mr. Roosovolt that this Is ono
case whero figures prevaricate.
Tho worlsingmon and tho housewives need nc
ponderous table of figures to know the facts in
this connection.
Tho average man today finds it extremely
difficult to mako both ends moot. Wages have
not generally Increased while tho cost of living has
enormously increased.
The trust system operates on the ono hand to
keep down the wagc3 of the laborer and on tho
other hand to put up tho cost of living. Tho
experience of the post two years shows that the
trust masnate is determined to take advantage of.
every opportunity given him under republican
administration.
JJJ
A Great Campaign
Those who bellevo In the public ownership of
railroads, in an income tax, In tho election of
federal judges for a limited period, in the muni
cipal ownership of public utilities, in tho election
of senators by popular vote, in the public owner
ship of the telegraph system, in tho battle against
private monopolies, may aid In carrying on a great
educational campaign on these lines by taking ad
vantage of The Commoner's special subscription
offer.
According to the terms of this offer, vunfi
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rate of $3.00 per lot. This places tho yearly sub
scription rate at 60 cents.
Anyone ordering these cards may sell then
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participate In this effort to increase Tho Com
moner's circulation.
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