TP flnFmtlii!femimmVr1 ! ' ' -. -' r-. 5 K ? government ownership is necessary and it does not believe that the people will favor govern ment ownership of any kind "if the railroads will themselves, in the interest of fair play and public protection, favor a policy of widest pub licity of their affairs and of reasonable govern ment regulation of rates." The "if" in that sen tence is tho important word. If the railroads will act fairly but the railroads have refused. Not only have they refused to actN fairly, but they have filled the United States senate with their representatives and have impudently obstructed all remedial legislation attempted by the people. Not only do their representatives oppose any leg islation regulating railroads, but they are the representatives of all other forms of organized wealth and stand between the people and relief of every kind. Tho Minneapolis Journal sees in state owner ship "a continual tangle not only on the question of rates but in the manner of operation." It has visions of trains "stopping at each state line to change crews, etc." These difficulties are not only imaginary, but those who imagine them ig nore existing facts. Train crews change now, not at state lines to be sure, but, at division points. Sometimes there are two or three divisions in a state. Take the New York Central rom New .York to Buffalo how many times do the crews change? Any one who has traveled any distance on a train knows that conductors change as well as engineers and brakemeh; and yet the traffic goes right on. In traveling over the Burlington from Chicago to Lincoln, Nebraska, the passen ger is carried by at least three train crews, and three different conductors punch his ticket. Ji traveling from New York to Chicago the interests of the passengers are looked after by several different train crows and as many conductors; and it may be that his car is carried through Canada, twice across the International boundary, and' yet travel is not interrupted. Would it be any more embarrassing to have the division point at the state line rather than ten miles to either side? Some of tho opposition papers have used the mail service as an illustration of the necessity of federai ownership, if we have government ownership at all. But the operation of the mails, instead of being an argument against state ownership is an argument in its favor. It shows how easy it is tor . the federal government to operate, its mall .service without owning. any railroads at all. It JwM mall cars but it can, &aye:tbos riun oyr . state lines as well as oyer private' otfes. The, fact that the mall service is conducted so successfully without the federal ownership of any of the rail roads shows how easily interstate commerce can be conducted with, the state owning the rail roads. Interstate commerce will then, as now, be regulated by the federal government. Inter state rates will be subject to the control of the government. No state could interfere with or embarrass another state even if it wanted to ,do so; and the people of the state could be safely relied upon to look after local rates. Not only is state ownership feasible but it has already been tried in other countries. Advocates of private ownership of railroads may be ex pected to fight state ownership more bitterly than they would federal ownership, for the reason that state ownership is a thing that can be tried at once; whereas, federal ownership-.must be post poned until a majority of both houses and the president concur in the purchase or building of a railroad. If, after congress acted, the constitu tionality of the act were raised, and the supreme court decided against its constitutionality, it would then be necessary to secure two-thirds of both houses before a constitutional amendment could bo submitted, and then three-fourths of the states would have to concur, or it would be necessary to have a convention of the states. The difficulties in the way of federal ownership are so much , greater than the obstacles in the way of state j ownership that all advocates of private ownership : may bo expected to Attack state ownership, as the i Wall Street Journal and the Minneapolis .Journal i have done. But these attacks, instead of anawer ! ihg the argument in favor of estate ownership 1 merely prove the effectiveness of the remedy. It would have been very diffjcul.t to obtain municipal ownership of municipal franchises through the actions of congress, 'because It "would . have been necessary to secure a majority, of both houses and the concurrence of the president, and vthis would have been extremely difficult, if not impossible. But as each locality had the right' to undertake the matter for itself, the cities mtost advanced in this reform made experiments, and ( their success induced other cities to try it. So in the matter of state ownership of rail roads. If tho states that are ready for It make the attempt, their success will be an object les- The Commoner. eon which will be patent1 in bringing other states to state ownership. The friends of private ownership also know that under federal ownership they can play one section against another and can. urge the repre sentatives of different sections to object to any purchase or building that does not inclifde their section. If an experiment is attempted in one section, the. sectional argument will be used against it; and if an attempt is made to take all the. railroads at once, the magnitud6 of the un dertaking will be emphasized to frighten the peo ple out of the attempt. State ownership rids the country of the evils of private railroad monopoly, and it is not open to the objection that can be made against federal ownership. It operates along the line of least resistance. The objections that will be made, by the great metropolitan dailies can not deceive the people when the advantages of an immediate state ownership are brought to their attention. When, the people see that the relief is in their own hands and that it can be obtained without sacrifice of their devotion to local self-government, the vVictory will, be hastened. ' u ' JJJ v - i- Mr. Bryan's Speech '' i , -. , Addressing .the Nebraska democratic state convention, held at Lincoln Wednesday, August 10, Mr. Bryan said: '' "I desire, in the first place, to express my appreciation, of the ' splendid delegation that the democracy of the state sent to the St. Louib con vention. We worked together with harmony and enthusiasm. We helped to make a -good platform. The platform did not contain all that we wanted but we kept out some things that we objected to. I did what I could to prevent the nomination of Judge Parker, hut he was nominated and I 'want to see him elected. While he does not stand with we'stern democrats on all questions he stands for 'enough that is good to justify us -in giving hlnr a cordial support. He will, if elected, put an4 end to imperialism, which we believe is a menace to our country. With imperialism out of the way the araiy can be reduced and the ex penses' of that department cut down. He will be 'able, to put to rest the race issue that now inter feres with 'the consideration dr'eeoribmic questions and hKviil substitute the sflirit of , peace and WgWYoV'the blustering, warlike spirit which President Roosevelt has introduced. Mr. Parker's election will not end -our fight for economic re forms, it will open the way for a more effective fight by removing the things that distract public attention. Let no one think that our cause can be aided by his defeat. We can never help our party or our element of the party by endangering our country's welfare. We can not afford to risk a continuance of the policies for which President Roosevelt stands. If our principles are sound, as I believe they are, Mr. Parker's election can not endanger them, even if he opposes us on some questions. Those have little faith in the triumph of the-truth who think that our cause can be defeated by the opposition of any president Let us elect him and then with some of the evils removed we can proceed with renewed vigor to attack the other evils." JJJ ' i t Unemployed Labor ;IAT N6w York Triune of August 4 has an editorial acknowledgment that times are not what the republican leaders boast them to be. Under the heading "Not the time to strike," the Tribune says that the laboring men ought to ask "Is it expedient, not is it lawful?" and insists that it . is most unbusinesslike to quit work to compel an employer to do what he can not afford To do or what he can not be made to do, because there 1Su8 n-1?1 unmployea labor that he can set all the labor he needs." The Tribune coinpafes the Indus rial conditions- three or four years ago -with .conditions now. It says that then ma ml facturers W "working their , plants up 5 th e limit and competing. ,sp warmly for mbor that few men were-idle, while now conditions are re verse, -and if -any man gives up h s job th6re are ,other men eager to take it, at the wages he refused." It declares that there is VqS wi doing in this country than four years ago "and a largey .number of people to do -it. How can thi confession be made to harmonize wi iVin .pretensions? The republican party boasts thi?H has established the gold standard) it Toasts tha t, has given protection to American industries H rf 0Ut'GVything, and claims credit for an that the. Lord has done; and yet, acrdto ' -v- ."- ' ' .; .YLUME: 4, NUMBER 31. the Tribune; we are on the down cradn men being turned out of employment ami ioK V,lh unable to strike . for better wages' hL borers army of the unemployed is waTtill to tT places-with these conditions; wha i to hpVhe,r Ised the laboring men. The repuS leans te$T everything their pwn way. ThcyZvc Ion !i 8 by a large increase in the gold LppW- thev been favored by good crops, and yl t ottj s scarcer and business net so good. What S? has the republican party to offer? What mZ V does it make? Pointing-with pride to '2 conditions" that -are fast passing can nnl the solicitude of those who look forward to A abTut It7hat IS thG rePUbHCan Wt The fact is that republican legislation is not responsible for such prosperity as we have hi? .and there is nothing in the republican program that promises real and permanent prosperity for the future. A high tariff has made the nianutac' turer richer at the cost of the consumer; the trust, have made the trust magnates opulent, but it baq been by extortion and exploitation; and Provi dence, by opening up new gold fields, has tempor arily rescued the republican party from the nat ural consequences of a gold standard, but the end is coming. It. Is 'only -a question of time when the democratic party wM be called upon to save the country froiri the conditions which the re publican party Is creating; and when that time comes, the money question will be found to be a live issue. In the meantime the election of Judge Parker, will save us from the extravagance and menace of imperialism and militarism and leave the people free to grapple again with the econ omic questions which confront the nation. Joking ,fe Unsafe Mr. Jame& Dunbar, tt republican, presided at the New Albany, Ind., Chautauqua and in inho ducing Mr. Bryan amused the audience with a bit of fiction which is reported as follows in a "Special to the Record-Herald," : r ' Louisville, Aug. G.T-William J. Btyan re- ' ceived hispay in a gold draft for lecturing nt .; jGlenwood Park Chautaqua between Now-Al- bany and Jeffersonville. Mr. Bryan demanded -vjpay in the yellow-' meta'l, taccording to James, .Dunbar jOf New Albany, ..who, .in introducing Mr. i Bryan, said: .1 The board of directors of the Chautauqua, thinking to please -Mr. Bryan; offered to pay him In the silver paid into the coffers of the association by the people who had come to hear him. Mr. Bryan said he wanted to be paid in gold. "This rather complicated matters, and messengers were dispatched to a bank to get the silver changed into gold. The bank was closed, and the incident was ended by the di rectors agreeing to 'forward a draft on a New York bank payable n'-gold.V Mr. Bryan smilingly assented to Mr. Dun bar's statement' ' . Mr. Bryan not only did not assent to Hie statement but denied it. After s'tating that he had not heard before of the committee's dllemna, he replied in a humorous vein. The audience en joyed the bit of pleasantry but the Record-Herald's correspondent takes the matter seriously and rushes it to his paper as if it were an actual oc currence. 1 The incident, however, serves to emphasize the bimetalllst's advantage. He 'believes in Hie use of both gold and silver and he believes in gold certificates and in silver certificates as well as in gold and silver. The silver certificate makes it as convenient to use silver as to use any other form of paper money. Very few people cany goldless people carry gold than carry silver. Sil ver certificates and gold certificates are more convenient than the coin. -' 4 ' jjj - ' Corruption in the Departments The president, in his acceptance speech, takes occasion to defend the 'administration against tne charge of -corruption in 'the various departments. He says, fNever has the administration of Xhe government been on a cleaner or higher loveiJI never has the public work of tho nation been done more honestly or effectually." This is wj president's statement, but there is one fact tiiac answers it completely. That there is corruption everybody knows because several offenders wer prosecuted by the administration. The Jonfl? J the" president place great emphasis upon 1 iu ' tfactnthat he prosecuted the offenders. But it w in 1- &r 1 ft ': i ji - -v..