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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (July 29, 1904)
Commoner. WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PUBLISHER. Vol, 4, N5: a8. Lincoln, Nebraska, July 29, 1904. Whole Number 184. !The MR. BRYAN'S SPEECH IN CONVENTION AT At the democratic national convention at St. Louis Mr. -Bryn; in seconding the nomination of Senator IT. M. Cockrell to be president, spoke as follows: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Conven tion: Two nights without sleep and a cold make it difficult for- me to make myself heard. I trust that my voice will improve In a moment, but as I desire to speak 'to the delegates rather than to the galleries, I hope they at least will bo able to hear. Eight years ago a democratic national conven tion placed in my hand the standard of the party and commissioned, me as its candidate. Four years later that commission was renewed. I come to night to this democratic national convention to return the commission. You may dispute whether I have fought a good light, you may dispute whether I have finished my course, but you cannot deny that I have kept the faith. (Applause.) As your candidate I did all that I could to bring' success to the party; as a private citizen I feel more Interested in democratic success today than I ever did when I was a candidate. (Ap plauBe.) . - The reasons that made the election of a demo crat desirable 'were stronger in 1900 than in 1896, and the reasons thai make the election of a demo crat desirable are stronger now than they were in 1900. (Applause.) The gentleman who presented New York's can didate dwelt upon the dangers of militarism, and he did not overstate those dangers. Let me quote the most remarkable passage ever found in a speech nominating a candidate for the presidency.. -Governor Black, of New York, in presenting the name of Theodore Roosevelt to the republican convention, used these words: "The fate of nations is still decided by their wars. You may talk of orderly tribunals and learned referees; you may sing in your' schools the gentle praises of the quiet life; -you may strike from your books the last note of every martial anthem, and yet out in the smoke and thunder will always be the tramp of horses and the silent, rigid, upturned face. Men may prophesy and women pray, but peace will come hero to abide forever on this earth only when the dreams of childhood fere the accepted charts to guide the destinies of men. "Events are numberless and mighty, and. no man can tell which wire runs around the world. The nation basking today in the quiet of contentment and repose may still be on the deadly circuit and tomorrow writh ing in the toils of war. This is the time when great figures must be kept in front. If the pressure is great the material to resist It must be granite and iron." This is a eulogy of war. This is a declara tion that the hoped for, prayed for, era of per petual peace will never come. This Js an exalt ing of the doctrine of brute force; it darkens the hopes of the race. (Applause.) This republican president, a candidate for re election, is presented as the embodiment of the warlike spirit as "the granite and iron" that rep resents modern militarism. Do you, men of the east, desire to defeat the military idea? Mends of the south, are you anx ious to defeat the military idea? Let me assure you that not one of you north, east, or south, fears more than I do the triumph of that idea. If this is the doctrine that our nation is to stand for, it is retrogression, not progress. It is a low ering of the ideals of the nation. It is a turning backward to the age of violence. More than that, it is nothing less than a challenge to the Christian civilization of the world. (Applause.) Some twenty-six hundred years ago a prophet foretold the. coming of One who was to be called the Prince of. Peace. Nearly two thousand years ago He came -upon the earth, and the song that was sung at His birth was "Peace on earth, good will toward men" (Applause.) For almost twen- ST, LOUIS ty centuries this doctrino of peace has been grow ing; it has been taking hold upon the hearts of men. For this doctrine of peace, millions havo gladly given their lives; for this doctrine of peace, thousands have crossed oceans and labored in dis tant lands, aye, even among savage tribes. This doctrino of peace, the foundation of Christian civ ilization, has been the growing hope and inspira tion of the world. And now, an ox-governor of the largest state in the Union presents for the office of president of the greatest republic of all history, a man who is described as "granito and iron," as one who represents, not the doctrine of peace and arbitration, but the doctrine that the destinies of nations must still bo settled by their wars. (Applause.) Will you democrats of New York present a graver indictment against Presi dent Roosevelt than that? Can you of the south present a more serious accusation? I do not ask concerning the character of the president. Ho may have every virtue; his life may bo exemplary in every way; but if he shares the views of the man who placed him in nomination, if he believes with his sponsor that wars must settle the desti nies of nations; that peace is but an idle, childish dream, that women may pray for it; that men may prophesy about it; but that all this talk of "orderly tribunals and learned referees" is but an empty soundIf he bellovcs these things he is a dangerous man for our country and for the world. (Applause.) I bollove ho ought to be de feated; I believe ho can be defeated fnd-If ttfS" democratic party does what it ought to do, I be- lleve he will bo defeated. (Applause) How can' he be defeated? As your candidate I tried to defeat the republican party. I failed, you say? Yes, I failed. I received a million more voteff than any democrat had over received before, and yet I failed. Why did I fall? Because some Who had affiliated with the democratic party thought my election would be injurious 'to he country, and they left the party and helped to elect my opponent. That is why I failed. I have no words of criticism for them. (Applause.) J. have always believed, I believe tonight, I shall ever believe, I hope, that a man's duty to his country is higher than his duty to his party. (Applause.) I hope that men of all parties will have the moral courage to leave their parties when they believe that to stay with their parties would injure their country. The success of our govern ment depends upon the independence and tho moral courage of its citizens. (Applause.) But, my friends, if I, with six million and a half votes, failed to defeat the republican party, can those who defeated me succeed in defeating the republican party? If under the leadership of those who were loyal in 1896 we failed, shall we succeed under the leadership of those who were not loyal In 1896? (Applause.) If we are going to havo some other god be sides this modern Mars, presented to us by Gov ernor Black, what kind of a" god Is it to be? Must we choose between a god of war and a god of gold? (Applause.) If there is anything that compares in hatoful ness with militarism, it is plutocracy, and I In sist that the democratic party ought not to be compelled to choose between militarism on the one side and plutocracy on the other. (Applause.) We have agreed upon a platform, after a ses sion of sixteen hours. We entered the committee room at 8 last evening and left it at 12 today. But I never employed sixteen hours to better ad vantage in my life. (Applause.) I helped to bring the party together. The report was unani mous and we can go before the country with a united jmrty. (Applause.) How did we reach an agreement? The plat form Is not all that we of the west desired; it is not all that our eastern democrats desired. -Wo had to consent to- the omission of some things that wo wanted In the platform. They had to I consent to tho omission of somo things that they wanted in tho platform. But by mutual concea sion wo agreed upon a platform, and we will stand on that platform in this campaign. (Applause.) But, my friends, wo need moro than a plat form. (Applause.) Wo must nomlnato a ticket, and that is tho work now beforo this convention. Had a majority of you como to this convention in structed for any man I not only would not ask you to disregard your instructions; I would not, if I could prevent It, pormit you to disregard your In structions. (Applause) I believe in tho right of the poople to rule. I bellovo in tho right of the people to instruct their dolcgates, and whon a dolcgato is instructed, tho instruction is binding upon him. But no candldato comes with a majority instructed for him. That means that you, tho delegates, are left to select a candldato upon your own responsibil ity and a grave responsibility it Is. Grave, In deed, is tho responsibility resting upon tho dele gates assembled in this convention! I have not cbmo to ask anything of this con vention. Nebraska asks nothing but to be per mitted to fight tho battles of domocracy; that Is all. (Applause.) Somo of you call me a dictator. It Is false. You know It is falso. (Applause.) How havo I tried to dictate? I havo said that I thought certain things ought to bo done. Havo 'you not exercised tho same privilege? Why have I not a right to suggest? (Applause.) Because I 'was your candidate, havo I forfeited forever the right to make suggestions? Sirs, If that condi tion was attached to a nomination for tho presi . jflency, no man worthy to bo .president would ever accept a'-no'mlnation, (Ariplaukifortfw--rijt of a man to havo an opinion and to express It is more Important and moro sacred than tho hold ing of any office however high. I expressed my opinion In regard to tho plat form; I made my suggestions. Not all of them were adopted. I should like to havo seen tho Kan sas City platform reaffirmed. (Applause.) I am not ashamed of that platform. I believe ln'It now, as I believed In It when I was running upon it as your candidate, but the delegates jlo not agrco with me, and their will Is supreme" In the making of tho platform. When they veto my suggestions, I must submit; there Is no other court to which I can appeal. Neither have I attomptod to dictate In regard to candidates. I havo not asked tho democrats of this nation to nominate any particular man. I have said and repeat that there aro men In every state qualified for the presidency; I have said and repeat that out of the six and a half millions who voted for me In both campaigns, we ought to bo able to find at least one man fit to be president. (Applause.) I havo mado these suggestions, but thoy are only suggestions. I am hero tonight as a delegate from Nebraska. I havo not conlldenco enough Inmy own Judgment to tell you that I can pick out a man and say, "This man must be nom inated or wo shall lose." I have, I think, a rea sonable faith in my own opinions; at least i 'would rather stand by my opinion If I believo it right than to accept tho opinion of any on'o else if I believe that opinion to be wrong. (Ap plause.) But Nebraska Is not here asking for the nomi nation of any particular man. Wo havo a plat form on which we all can stand. (Applause.) Now give us a ticket behind which all of us can stand. (Applause.) Go into any stato you please for a candidate. I have not as much faith as soma have in the value of locality. I have never be lieved much in nominating candidates from doubt ful states on the theory that their personal pop- ularity would elect them. I have so much confidence in democratic prin ciples that I think a democrat ought to vote for a good man from any other stato rather than vote for a bad man from his own state. (Applause.) The state pride argument is often given too much weight I havo found that when people come with a candidate and tell us, first, that we must carry ii I ; ik m 1 if m $ ft 1 ill Kl I' it T? i'1 fl ffi ft i i'L,