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2
Uach.fitato can decide for itself. It may bo wiser
to bogin by building new lines where they are
now needed and thus determinq tho value of tho
old lines by tho operation of tho now ones. But
tho means to bo employed for tho securing of
tho lines and tho rules to be adopted for. the oper
ation of thorn, will be found easy after the public
has determined that the people, acting through
their government, should talco upon themselves
tho .work of controlling this great branch of tho
business of tho people.
While the democratic party In the nation is
advocating tho government ownership of rail
roads, tho democratic party in the cities should
upon tho same theory espouse tho cause of'mu
nicipal ownership' of municipal franchises. Pri
vate contracts for water, lighting and street car
facilities have been the fruitful source of munic
ipal corruption, and there is no solution of these
municipal problems that does not involve mu
nicipal ownership. The progress mad6 in this
direction in European cities shows what can bo
done, and It is only a question of time when
In each city in tho United States tho people act
ing through their municipal government will do
for thomsolves, without the intervention of cor
porations, that which is now done at greater ex
pense by private corporations. The municipal
operation of tho street car lines will result in such
a reduction in fares that people can live farther
from tho center of tho city and thus secure
healthier locations. There are many questions of
sociology that affect the municipal population and
tho democratic party must meet all of these with
tin eye single to the public welfare.
Wo have also reached a time when the post
ofllco department should embrace a telegrap.'i sys
tem as well as a mail system. While the tele
graph lines does not reach as many people as
tho railroads do, and while tho abuses to private
ownership have not been so open and notorious,
yet thero is no reason why this nation should not
do what other nations are doing in this respect.
In tho small towns tho postmaster could act as
telegraph operator and thus a great economy
could be effected. In the larger cities the tele
graph systom could bo under tho control of the
postmaster and such employes added to the pos
tal service as might be necessary. It is safe to
say that tho cost of messages could be reduced
one-half, and yet have the system self-supporting.
Thero Is no good reason that can bo urged against
tho govern mont ownership and operation oi the
telegraph system in connection with the postal
department. Tho matter has already been inves
tigated by congress and favorable action taken,
but the, influence of the telegraph companies ex
erted through tholr corporate interests and
through the franking privilege has been sufficient
thus far to prevent any action being taken. The
democratic party ought to take up this reform
and make it a part of its creed.
Tho private monopoly must be destroyed.
Tho democratic platform adopted at Kansas City
declared the private monopoly to be indefensible
and intolerable. This declaration was reproduced
in the St. Louis platform adopted a few daya ago.
To what extent this will be overcome by the in
fluences that surround Judge Parker no one can
yet declare, but It is- evident that the conserva
tive democrats, as they call themselves, will never
give tho country any relief from the trusts. Tho
government ownership of railroads will exert a
tremendous influence toward the destruction of
private monopolies, for most of tho great trusts
have been built up by railway discriminations
and rebates, but tho democratic party cannot con
tent itself with any partial remedy for the trusts.
It must declare war upon every private monopoly
and it must prosecute that war relentlessly until
the principle of private monopoly has beon eradi
cated and industrial independence again se
cured. Tho door of opportunity must not bo closed
against the young men of this country, The right
of the citizen to build up an independent business
and to enjoy tho fruits of his toil must be guar
anteed to him. It is the basis of our industrial
development and it is the guaranty of our political
liborty. The state should be encouraged to em
ploy every power that it has to prevent tho
incorporation of a private monopoly, and tho
power of congress over interstate commerce should
bo Invoked to resist any and every effort to use
r stato charter for tho exploitation of the whole
country. A line must be drawn between the in
alienable rights of the natural man and the law
conferred rights of a corporation. A corporation
has no inalienable rights; it has no rights ex
copt those given it by law, and the people cannot
bo presumed to desire tho creation of a man-
The Commoner.
madq giant, Mving, both the power and the dis
position to trample, upon the rights of theGod
mado man. Tho private 'monopoly must be' de
stroyed, root and branch. 5 , ' '
Tho democratic 'party has in two campaigns
stood for an income, tax. The plank was omitted
.this year because the men in control of the party
thought It would jeopardize success in the
eastern states. This objection may have
weight when the appeal is made to a particular
section and to the wealthy men of that section,
but it cannot have weight when the party t goes
forth, as it must ultimately, to appeal to the
masses. It is unnecessary to say that a progres
sive democratic party must favor a tariff for rev
enue only. It carfnot favor the taxation of ' the
many for tho benefit of the few.
An income tax is just and without it it will
bo difficult to Secure any effectual tariff re'fdrm.
Wheii, the people understand the income tax the
popular demand for it Will be so great that no
party will dare to ignore it merely to court favor
With the comparatively few who are now avoiding
their share of the expenses of the government and
throwing too large a portion of the public burden
upon the poor.
Even as now organized the democratic party
stands for tho election of senators by the people
and it ought to stand' for direct legislation as-far
as the principle can be conveniently applied.
Everything that brings the government nearer to
the people is good. There is more virtue in the
people than over finds expression through their
representatives.
Our party should also consider whether
our federal judges should not be elected
by the people to serve "for a limited per
iod. The life position in the civil service is not
in harmony with our theory of government and
the appointment of judges for life is not justified
by experience. The president must rely upon his ad
visers when he appoints United States judges
and the people at large can make the selection
better than any president can. Elections for a
stated period would bring the judiciary into closer
touch with the people whose servants th? judges
are.
I suggest, not for the purpose of insisting
upon it, but merely to bring the matter to puDlic
. attention, that it may be found desirable to change
the method of selecting postmasters. At present
they are appointed by the president upon the
recommendation of congressmen. Th6 po$toffice
department is now a great political machine pre
sided over by a man skilled in political maneuv
ers, and the wishes of the people in the various
communities are entirely ignored. Why should a
federal administration ignore the wishes of the
people whom the postmaster is expected to serve?
If a system can be devised whereby the federal
government will still retain the power of appoint
ment and the power of removal and yet be re
stricted in appointment to persons named by the
local community, a step in advance will have been
taken. The right of local selr-government can
thus be vindicated and the use of the postoffice
department for the benefit of the congressmen or
for tho benefit of the administration prevented.
Such a change would also make it impossible for
a federal administration to force colored post
masters upon white communities for .political pur
poses. Is there any good reason why the presi
dent in making appointments should not consult
the convenience and the will of the people who
patronize the postoffice?
The differences between labor and capital are
becoming more and more acute. And why? Be
cause capital has not only been permitted to mo
nopolize the resources of the government and feed
fat upon the toll of the people, but It has been
given a free hand in dealing with labor. It has
been permitted to use labor for its own enrich
ment and then to dictate terras to the wage
earner. The democratic party must be the cham
pion of the man who toils not his defender when
he does wrong, not his- apologist when he is led
into error, but his exponent in the effort to se
cure the protection of his- rights and the conserva
tion of his interests. The democratic party is not
the enomy of wealth; on the contrary, it js the
best friend of honestly acquired wealth, for by
preventing the acquirement of wealth by illegal
and unjust methods it would give to the possessor
of wealth the honor and the distinction to which
his thrift, energy, Industry and economy ought
to entitle him. y
The democratic party, if it is to be a power
for good in this country, must be the defender
of human rights, It,must devote Itself to the pro
tection of human rights. It must declare, .estab
lish and defend ttte true relation between man
and property, a rOiatidn recognized by both Jef
ferson and Lincoln a relation which puts man
first and his possessions afterward, a relation
. VOLUME CNUMBER 27.
which makes "man the master of that whir i.
has created, a relation which puts the snii ,
and moral, life of the nation above its Sift,
wealth and resources. This is the great stS?1
of today and it is a struggle in which the dS
cratlc party must take an Important part
, . The, contest above outlined, must be mado wi,
ther the party wins In November or not A ainii
election is but an incident in the life of a innl
For more than a century the democratic nartv
has stqod forth as the representative of certain
great ideas. Jefferson founded it, Jackson do
fended it, and even Cleveland could not destroy if
If Mr. Parker is elected his administration w Si
rid us of imperialism and of the threat or a race
issue and give us greater freedom in the takine
up of economic questions. Nothing that he can
do or say as president Will thwart the purposes of
the democratic masses to rid" the party of pluto
cratic influences or tendencies. The republican
party is growing more and more plutocratic and
it can furnish a home for all who believe in the
rule of wealth. The democratic party cannot bo
a plutocratic party; it cannot belie its history
it cannot disappoint the hop"es of its members
The fight must go on and must go on until vic
tory is secured. Can we win.? Who can doubt
it? To those who think that a temporary vic
tory of the conservative element ends progress in
the democratic party let this reply be made:
O ye of little faith! Go forth into the fields
and see how the myriad grains, bursting forth
from their prison in the earth, push upward to
ward the light. Watch them as under the influ
ence of sunshine and shower they grow to ma
turity and furnish food for the race. Go
into the orchard and see the seed or the grafted
twig grow into a great tree whose leaves furnish
shade and whose fruit gives nourishment to man.
Measure if you can the mighty forces behind tho
grain and the tree, and know ye that the forces
behind the truth are as irresistible and as con
stantly at work. God would have been unkind,
indeed, had He made such ample provision for
the needs of man's body and less adequate provi
sion for the triumph of those moral forces which
mean more to the race than food or clothing or
shelter. He is a political atheist who doubts
the triumph of the right. He lacks faith in the
purposes and the plans of God who for a moment
falters in the great struggle between truth and
error between man and mammon.
Those Little Questions.
Congressman Williams of Mississippi, in his
reply to Mr. Bryan, complained because Mr. Bryan
was proposing that certain questions be sub
mitted to Candidate Parker. Mr. Williams de
scribed them as "little questions." When tho
readers of The Commoner know what the ques
tions were, they can bettor judge whether they
were little or not. They were:
.First Do you favor a diminution of the vol
ume of silver dollars?
Second Do you favor an asset currency'.'
Third Do you favor branch national banks?
Fourth Do you prefer the national bank
note to the United States note, commonly known
as the greenback?
These questions were rejected by the com
mittee because the committee wanted to avoid any
mention of the money question. When, however,
the Parker telegram came and his friends pro
posed to answer the telegram by declaring that
the silver question was no longer an issue, the
friends of bimetallism felt that the party's posi
tion ought to bo stated, or at least the candidate's
position known on ' those phases of the money
question which are before the country.
The questions submitted by Mr. Bryan in his
amendment are not only pertinent, but they are
important questions. Whether 578,000,000 of sil
ver dollars should be retired or not is not a little
question; it is a question of vast proportions and
one that must be met. Whether we are to have an
asset currency or not, is not a littlo question, but
one of great magnitude affecting the entire coun
try and affecting It vitally. Whether We are to
have a great national bank with branches spread
ing over the country, like the bank which Jack
son destroyed, is not a little question, but one
whose importance cannot be overstated.
Whether we are to have a currency of banic
paper or a currency of government paper is a
question that has nothing to do -with the silver
question, but has a great deal, to do with the na
tion's welfare. To call these "little questions is
not to belittle tho questions, but to disclose a
profound ignorance of tho is'sues before the coun
try. Jt was evident that Mr. Parker's frieiias
would , vote down any proposition that was ais
pleasing, toi him, and the' amendment was witn
drawn not only in, the interest of harmony, om
ter
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