., '
Commoner.
The
WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
Vol. 4. No. 27.
Lincoln, Nebraska, July 22, 1904.
Whole No. 183.
V DEMOCRACY MUST MOVE FORWARD V
My selection as standard-bearer of the demo
cratic party in 189G and again In 1900 made me the
nominal leader of that party, and as such I did
not feel at liberty to engraft new doctrines upon
the party creed. I contented myself with the de
fense of those principles and policies which were
embattled in the platform. Now, that the leader
ship devolves upon another and I bear only the
responsibility that each citizen must bear, name
ly, responsibility for my opinions, my utterances
and my conduct, I am free to undertake a work
which until now I have avoided, namely, the work
of organizing the radical and progressive element
in the democratic party.
The money question is for the present In
abeyance. The increased production of gold has
lessened the strain upon the dollar and while bi
metallism is us sound in theory as it ever was,
the necessity for it Is not so apparent. I believe
that the time will come when the people will again
turn to bimetallism and reject the gold standard,
but this period will not come while times are
good and while the advocates of the gold
standard can point to a reasonably sufficient sup
ply of money. Of course, it is absurd for those
who said that we had money enough in 1896 to
point with pride to a large increase since 1896,
but inconsistent as it is they do so and as the pres
ent enlarged volume of money brings, in part
at least, the advantages hoped for from bimetal
lism, it is useless to press the subject of bi
metallism for the present. While the advocates
of the gold standard intend a crusade against Lho
silver now in circulation, they do not openly pro
claim, it, and we must wait until they-attempt, to
carry out their purpose before the people can be
awakened to a realization of that purpose. The
advocates of the gold standard intend to with
draw the greenback from circulation and to sub
stitute bank notes, but as they do not pro
claim their purpose we must await an object les
son before the people will understand it. The
advocates of the gold standard intend to substi
tute an asset currency for the present national
bank currency, but tjiey 'do not proclaim their
purpose and until they attempt it the people can
not be made to understand it. The advocates of
the gold standard intend to establish a branch
bank system such as Jackson overthrew, but as
they do not announce their purpose the people
do not see it and will not see it until some open
and overt attempt is made.
Time will open the eyes of the people and
events will reveal the purposes of the financial
group that has its home in Wall street and
makes forays against the country as often and
as rapidly as care for their own safety will per
mit. But -while the people cannot be brought at
this time to consider the various phases of the
money question, they can bo brought to consider
certain other questions with which the democratic
Party must deal. I have heretofore refused to
take a position upon the question of the govern
ment ownership of railroads, first, because I
had not until recently studied the subject, and,
second, because the question had not been
reached. Recent events have convinced irie that
the time, is-now ripe for the presentation of this
question. Colsolidatlon after consolidation has
taken place until a few men now control the rail- -road
traffic of the country and defy both the leg
islative and the executive power of the nation.
I invite the democrats, therefore, to consider a
plan for the government ownership and opera
tion of the railroads.
The plan usually suggested is for the pur
chase of these roads by the federal government.
This plan, it seems to me, is more objectionable
than a plan which involves the ownership and
operation of theso roads by the several states.
'io put the railroads in the hands of the federal
government would mean an enormous centraliza
tion of power. It would give to the federal gov
ernment a largely increased influence over the
citizen and the citizen's affairs, and such cen
tralization is not at all necessary. The several
states can own and operate tho railroads within
their borders just as effectively as it can' bo done
by the fedoral government and if it is dono by
the states tho objection based upon tho fear of
centralization is entirely answered. A board com
posed of representatives from tho various states
could deal with interstate traffic just as freight
and passenger boards now deal with the joint
traffic of tho various lines. If tho federal gov
ernment had tho railroads to build there would
bo a constant warring between different sections
to Becure a fair share of the new building and
development, but where this is left to the stale
the people in each state can decide what rail
roads they desire to build or to buy. Tho main
tenance, of the track, the care of tho stations,
tho handling of incoming and outgoing freight
and passengers all theso things require tho em
ployment of men, and If the employment is left
to state authorities instead of to national au
thorities, most of the objections that have been
raised to government ownership will be answered.
Tho arguments in favor of the assumption
of tho ownership and operation of railroads by
tho government are numerous:
First Extortionate rates would be prevented.
So far it has been impossible to secure any real
regulation of railroad rates. The railroads reg
ulate the government instead of tho government
the railroads. When the government owns the
railroads and operates them, there can be no
question about the fixing of reasonable tolls.
Second Discrimination would bo prevented.
At present the railroad authorities can kill ono
1owriand build up another, destroy one locality.,
and enrich another. And these discriminations
are not always mado out of consideration for tho
interests of the railroad, but are sometimes made
because of the investments of officials in the
town or locality to be favored. Great Injustice
has been done by these discriminations, and no
way has been found to prevent them.
But there is another kind of discrimination
which is operating against the nation's welfare
and progress, namely, the discrimination in favor
of the large city as against the small one. To the
railroads more than any other influence Is due the
fact that the population is being driven from the
country to the city. With fair and Impartial rates
the small town might again hope to be tho home
of the small factory, and those people who are
being crowded into the cities where they live with
out tho economic, sanitary, intellectual and moral
advantages which they deserve, would be scat
tered more evenly throughout the country to their
own great benefit and to the nation's good.
Third The politics of tho nation is being de
bauched by money. This money is drawn from
tho great corporations that desire special privil
eges or immunity from punishment, and is used
to corrupt not only the voters, but legislatures.
How can this corruption bo stopped so long as
enormous wealth can bo made by watered stock
and by tho exploitation of the public? The rail
road is to a certain extent a monopoly. As soon
as a line is built between two points the field is
occupied and it is impossible to have competition.
If a second road is built for the purpose of se
curing competition, the traffic between the two
terminals must support two roads instead of ono,
and it is impossible for two roads to carry the
passengers and the freight at as low a cost as
the one road could. This being true, the result
usually Is that the competing lines are soon con
solidated and the attempt at competition given up.
Legislation has been attempted against consoli
dation, but so far such legislation has been very
ineffectual. The benefits to be derived by tho
railroads from tho destruction of competition are
so enormous that they have thus far been able
to protect themselves by the (giving 'up of a small
part of the benefit to those who are in a position
to Interfere wtth them, but twhose views can be
. modified by an argument addressed to the pocket-r
book. , A
" . , Fourth Another objection to the private own?
ershlp! of 'railroads has been forced upon me with
Increasing ompha3lo during the last fow yearn,
namely, tho corrupting influence of these great
railway corporations over tho young professional
men of the country. Tho railroads have lawyers
in ovory county and gonoral attorneys at every
Btato capital. Theso men stand high in their
profession and aro usually mon of char actor.
Their connection with tho railroad. has in many
instances mado thorn not merely tho attorneys for
.the road in legal matters, but lobbyists for the
road in political matters. These men have con
trolled conventions, dictated nominations, wi it
ton platforms and so shaped appointments that
tho masses have been ignored and their interests
disregarded. Tho United States senate today con
tains so many men who aro obliged to the rail
roads that It has been Impossible to secure an
amendmont of the Interstate commerce law, al
though for years the Interstate commerce commis
sion, composed of both republicans and democrats,
has been pleading for an amendment.
It is not necessary to believe that United
States senators actually draw salaries from these
railroads at tho same time that thoy draw sal
aries from the government, although it is known
that salaries have been offered to senators by
railroads having business before that body, and
it is known today that there aro mon there who
did receive salaries from railroads just before
their olectlon and it is not known that those sal
aries have been relinquished.
If tho railroads woro owned by tho several
states Instead of by private corporations, tho
railroad officials would bo selected by the peoplo
... and responslbljto .the -peoplo, whereas now theso
attornoys are selected by the railroads, paid by
the railroads and subservient to the railroads.
FifthAnother objection to tho private own
ership of railroads and it Is ah objection that all
recognize Is the use of tho pass in politics. In
some of tho states tho constitution forbids tho
use of a pass by public officials, but even in such
states officials sometimes use passes and when an
official in such a state accepts a pass, having vio
lated the law, he puts himself where the railroad
can blackmail him and force him to vote for
measures desired by tho railroads.
So powerful is tho Influence of the pass that
it was impossible to secure at tho last session
of congress consideration of a resolution Intro
duced by Congressman Baker of New York ask
ing whether the giving t)f a pass was a violation
of tho interstate commerce law. The Pennsyl
vania railroad and tho Baltimore & Ohio road se
cured large appropriations from the last congress
for the enlargement of the depot facilities at
Washington, and it Is a notorious fact that rep
resentatives of tho roads were present In the
lobbies of the capltol building giving passes to
the members of congress who voted with them and
refusing passes to the members who voted against
their demands. Any one who has had any experi
ence in politics cannot be blind to the fact that
the use of the pass often controls conventions,
determines the selection of legislators, governors
and often judges. When the recipient acts upon
questions that Involve tho interests of tho people,
either his mind must be influenced by favors re
ceived or he must constantly brace himself against
that influence. These are some, not all, of lho
reasons that may be given in favor of the gov
ernment ownership and operation of the railroads.
By leaving the matter to the state each stato
can act for itself and be governed by the senti
ment of the peoplo, moving as slowly or as rap
idly as that sentiment demands. But I feel
assured that the timo has come when the demo
cratic party as a party should turn Its face to
ward the solution of this great question, and by
the advocacy of the government ownership of the
railroads bring to tho people relief from the eco
nomic evils that have followed private ownership,
and relief from the political corruption which
seems indissolubly connected with the private
ownership of railroads.
Whether the various roads shall bo secured
by purchase or condemnation Is a matter that