s 4
The Commoner.
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WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
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7"
Vol. 4. No, 25.
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Lincoln, Nebraska, July 8, 1904.
Whole No. 181.
LINCOLN'S PLEA FOR LABOR
The Toledo Blade, like other republican pa
pers, smarts under the rebuke that Lincoln's worda
give to the policy now prevailing in the republi
can party of putting capital above labor. The
Blade recently denounced as forgeries certain
quotations attributed to Lincoln In regard to the
dignity of labor. The Appeal to Reason has looked
the matter up and traces the utterances to unim
peachable authority. Raymond's Life of Lincoln,
which was published soon after his death, con
tains on pages 498 to 500 a response to a commit
tee of laboring men from New York who called
upon him on the v21st day of March, 1864. In this
reply, which will be found at the conclusion of
this editorial, Lincoln refers to his own message
to congress of December, 1861, in which he de
clared that "labor Is prior to, and Independent of,
capital." And .he insists that labor, therefore, "is
superior to capital and deserves much higher con
sideration." He takes advantage of the occasion,
too, to point out that the putting of labor first
does not justify a disregard of the rights of prop
erty or argue against, the advantage of owning
property. In other words, after stating the proper
relation' which should exist between labor and
capital, he proceeds to the defense of both. At
the present time the capitalist places great em
phasis upon what he calls ".property rights," but
often ignores things that are more important,
namely, human rights. Property exists for man,
not man for property. The fact that this interview
between Mr. Lincoln and the laboring men was
published immediately afterward, and the further
fact tliat the bulk of it is a quotation from his
message to congress, establishes beyond cavil
the genuineness of the quotations. The republican
papers seek to -make It appear that Lincoln's po
sition is being misrepresented, but the fact is that
the republican party today has departed, so far
from Lincoln's position that his words and his
position on public questions confront them at ev
ery turn. The interview, quoted verbatim from
pages 498, 499 and 500 of Raymond's Life of Lin
coln, is as follows:
"Gentlemen of the Committee: The honorary
membership in your association, as generously
tendered, is gratefully accepted.
"You comprehend, as your addrCss shows, that
the existing rebellion means more and tends to
do more than the perpetuation of African slavery
that it is, in fact, a war upon the rights of all
working people. Partly to show that this view has
not escaped my attention, and partly that I can
not better express myself, I read a passage from
the message to "congress in December, 1861:
"'It continues to develop that the insurrec
tion is largely, if not exclusively, a war upon the
first principle of popular government, the rights
of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found
in the most grave and maturely considered public
documents, as well as in the general tone of the
insurgents. In those documents we find the
abridgement of the existing right of suffrage, and
the denial to the people of all right to partici
pate in the. selection of public officers, excopt tho
legislative, boldly auvocatod, with labored argu
ment to prove that large control of tho people in
government is tho source of all political evil.
Monarchy Itself is sometimes hinted at as a pos
sible refuge from tho power of the people.
'"In my present 'position I could scarcely
bo justified were I to omit raising a warning voice
against this approach of returning despotism.
"'It Is not needed, npr fitting, that a gen
eral argument should bo made In favor of popular
institutions; but there Is ono point, with its con
nections, not so hackneyed as most others, to
which I ask a brief attention. It is the effort to
place capital on equal footing, if not above labor,
in the structure of government. It is assumed that
labor is available only in connection with capital;
that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning
capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to
labor. This assumed, it Is next considered whether
it Is best that capital shall hire laborers, and thus
Induce them to work by their own consent, or buy
them, and drive them to it without their consent.
Having proceeded so far, it is naturally concluded
that all laborers are either hired laborers, or
what w call slaves. And,, further, it is assumed
that whoever Is once a hired laborer, is fixed in
that condition of life. Now there Is no such rela
tion between capital and labor as assumed, nor is
there any such thing as a free man being fixed
for life in the condition of a hired laborer. Both
these assumptions are false, and all inferences
from them are groundless.
" 'Labor is prior to, and independent of, capi
tal. Capital Is only the fruit of labor, and could
never have existed If labor had not first existed.
Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves
much the higher consideration. Capital has Its
rights, which are as worthy of protection as any
other rights. Nor Is it denied that there is, and
probably always will be, a relation between capi
tal and labor, producing mutual benefits. The
error is in assuming that the whole labor of a
community exists within that relation. A few
men own capital, and that few avoid labor them
selves, and, with their capital, hire or buy an
other few to labor for them. A large majority
belong to neither class neither work for others,
nor have others working for them. In most of tho
southern states, a majority of the whole people, of
all colors, are neither slaves nor masters; while
in tho northern, a largo majority aro neither
hirers nor hired.
"'Men with their families wives, sons, and
daughters work for themselves, on tholr farms, In
thoir homes, and In tholr shops, taking tho whole
product to themsolvcs, and asking no favors of
capital on tho one hand, nor of hired laborers or
slaves on tho other. It is not forgotlon that a
considerable number of persons mingle their own
labor with capital; that is, thoy labor with their
own hands and also buy or hlro others to labor
for them, but this la only & mixed and not a
distinct class. No prlnclplo slated Is disturbed by
tho existence of that mixed class.
" 'Again, as has already boon said, there is
not, of necessity, any such thing as tho free hired
laborer being fixed to that condition for lifo.
Many independent men ovorywhoro in theao
states, a few years 'back in their lives, were hired
labQrors. Tho prudent penniless beginner in the
world labors for wages a while, saves a surplus
with which to buy tools or land for himself, then
labors in his own account another whilo, and at
length hires another now beginner to help him.
This is the just and generous and prosperous sys
tem which opens tho way to all gives hope to
all, and consequent energy and progress, and im
provement of condition to all. No men living are
more worthy to bo trusted than those who toll up
from poverty none less inclined to touch or. take
aught which thoy have not honestly earned. Let
them beware of surrendering a political power
thoy already possess, and which, If surrendered,
will, surely be ugod'to'cloe-thedoor of advance
ment against such as they, and , tof fix now dis
abilities and burdens upon them, till all of liberty
shall be lost.'
"Tho views thus expressed remain unchanged,
nor have I much to add. None aro so deeply In
terested to resist tho present rebollion as the
working people. Lot them beware of prejudices,
working division and hostility among themselves.
The moat notable feature of a disturbance in your
city last summer was tho hanging of some work
ing people by other working people. It should
never be. The strongest bond of human sym
pathy, outside of the family relation, should be
one uniting all working people, of all nations, and
tongues, and kindreds. Nor should this lead to a
war upon property, or tho owners of property.
Property is the fruit of labor; property is desir
able; is a positive good In tho world. That some
should bo rich shows that others may become
r!6h, and, hence, is Just encouragement to Industry
and enterprise. Let not him who Is houseless
pull down the house of another, but let him labor
diligently and build ono for himself, thus by ex
ample assuring that his own shall be safe from
v Violence when built."
The Doctrine of Thrones, ' .?
The opponents of imperialism assert that -"it
1b the doctrine of thrones that man is too ignorr .
ant to govern himself." Today the republican;
party is thoroughly committed to this doctrine of
thrones. x
in a speech, delivered in the house of repre
sentatives in 1818, tfenry Clay pleaded for South
American independence from Spanish rule.
"It is the doctrine of thrones," said Mr. Clay,
"that man is too ignorant to govern himself. -Their
partisans assert his Incapacity in reference
to all nations; if they cannot command universal
assent to the proposition it is then demanded as
to particular nations; and our pride and our pre
sumption too often make converts ofus. I con
tend that it is to. arraign tho disposition of Provi
dence himself to suppose that He created beings
Incapable of governing- themselves and to be tram
pled on by kings.. Self-government is the natural
government of man, and-for proof I refer to the
aborigines of our own land. Were I to speculate
in hypothesis unfavorable to human liberty,- my
speculations should -be founded rather upon the
vice, refinement or density of population. Crowded
1 together in compact masses, even if they were
-philosophers, the contagion of tho passions is
communicated and caught, and the effect too of
ten, I admit, is the overthrow of liberty. Dis
persed oyer such an Immense space as tnat on
which the people of Spanish-America arospread,
their physical, and I believe their moral condl
- tion, both favor their liberty."
Tho Utah electoral vote may be needed by the
g. o. p., and the question of imperialism had to be
dodged. This will explain why the republican
platform of 1904 did not reiterate the republican
platform plank of 1856 which referred to "those
twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery'
The Colorado opponents of union labor are
so thoroughly convinced of the injustice of the
boycott that they are earnestly boycotting all who
do not assist them in showing the injustice of the r
boycott. This may be rather devious and ob
flscure, but It, is not nearly 30 devious as the ways
of the union wreckers.
Justice the First Essential.
Just now there is considerable discussion of
civic conditions, civic improvements and .civic
righteousness. Newspapers aro publishing civic
sermons and tho duty of the individual lo so
ciety is being emphasized. These discussions
cover tho observance of law and order, cleanli
ness in the management of a city, virtue and
beauty as factors in national, civic and individual
life and the best means of bringing them about
The subject is a broad one and it Is impossible
to deal with it briefly. There is one principle,
however, which is fundamental and without which
there can be no civic improvement and, In fact, no
substantial civic ties. That principle Is justice.'
The government, it it would be secure, must rest
upon justice and the dealings between man and
man must be characterized by justice. No stable
society can be built upon any other foundation.
Intelligence ought fo b the handmaiden of jus
tice, but it cannot take the place of justice. A
society composed of intellectual athletes would
not hold together for a day without the cohesive
power "of justice. In fact, without justice as ft
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