The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, June 24, 1904, Page 3, Image 3

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The Commoner.
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JUNE 24, 1904. -, -
British premier sayc it has, and if the statement
Is a "falsehood," as the Chicago clergyman says
it Is, thou republican form of government is a
failure; then the men who buildea this nation
were mere theorists and liberty is a thing to
be reserved for a few men ordained of God jto
enjoy the best of life.
The statement, "all men are created equal,"
was well described by Mr. Lincoln In his speech
delivered at Alton, in which ho said: "I think
the authors of that notable instrument Intended
to include all men, but they did not mean to de
clare all men equal in all respects. They did not
mean to say that all men were equal in color, size,
intellect, moral development or social capacity.
They defined with tolerable distinctness in what
they did consider all men created equal equal in
certain inalienable rights, among which are life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Tnls they
Bald and this they meant., They did not mean to
assert the obvious untruth, that all weie then
actually enjoying that equality, or yet, that they
were about to confer it immediately upon them.
In fact they had no power to confer such a boon.
They meant simply to declare the right so that
the enforcement of it might follow as fast as cir
cumstances should permit. They meant to sot
up a standard maxim for free society which should
be familiar toall; constantly looked to, constantly
labored for, and even, though never perfectly at
tained, constantly approximated, and thereby con
stantly sproading and deepening ils influence and
augmenting the happiness and value of life to all
people of all colors, everywhere."
In 'his speech delivered, at Springfield, Mr. Lin
coln said: "The assertion that 'all men are cre
ated equal' was of no practical use in effecting our
separation from Great Britain; and it was placed
in the Declaration, not for that, but for futuro
use. Its authors meant it to be as, thank God,
it Is now proving Itself, a stumbling-block to
those who in after times might seek to turn a
froe people back into the hateful paths of despot
ism. They knew the proneness of prosperity to
breed tyrants and they meant, when such should
reappear in this 'fair land and commence their' vo
cation, they should find -left for them, at least,
one hard nut to crack."
The Influences Behind Parker.
John Brisbane Walker, editor and proprietor
Of The Cosmopolitan, recently hired a hall in Now
lYork and made a speech in which he discussed
democratic principles, policies and candidates. In
the course of his remarks he paid his respects to
the Parker boom, saying:
"I have it on good authority that seven
months ago, in London, the friends of Mr.
Pierpont Morgan were announcing confidently
that a man had been found who would beat
Theodore Roosevelt a man by the name of
Parker, a protege and friend of David B. Hill
and that sufficient money would be spent to
corrupt the democratic politicians and control
the democratic convention. I heard of this
almost at the time, but like many another at
sea, looking at the sky and beholding this
tiny cloud, no greater than a man's hand in.
the political skies, I could not believe that it
meant more than an idle boast given forth by
the disgruntled merged organizer. If I had
reflected on the power of money, if I had re- .
fleeted upon the vast organization which Wall
street has throughout the United States, if I
had reflected upon tho unscrupulous determina
tion which these men showed in the campaigns
of 1896 and 1900, if I had reflected upon tho
endless ramifications through which money -can
exercise an influence, if I had reflected
upon the unstinted liberality permitted to
those who gobble their tens of millions through
government privilege, I could have predicted
with certainty just what has come to pass.
"But I could not believe that the effrontery
of these men would bo so great; that they
could regard the American people as so
asinine; that they could hope to stand up and
simply by asseverating through their powerful
press connection that white is black and blacK
is white, and white is black and black is white, -repeated
ad infinitum, they could hope to mako
the American people color-blind. But it is ono
of the peculiarities of the sharp politician, the '
greedy politician, the unscrupulous politician,
the astute politician to sum up in English as
J , ?Pkon in New York, tho "peanut poli
tician" that his views can never' in tho naturo
or. things extend very far beyond his nose. Ho
nas no idea of the' breadth of the American
' C? n?ent' ho has an utter contempt for tho
- intelligence. of the American people, and lie '
thinks that cunning and manipulation can do
it all.
"And so wo have como t'o have tho newspa
pers discussing as a matter, almost, of cer
tainty that tho man will bo nominated on tho
democratic ticket who was announced six
months ago in London as Mr. Morgan's candl
. date to beat Iloosovelt, that republican who,
though pretty certain, is not always to bo
relied upon by Mr. Morgan when It comes to
transactions with tho government, as was Mr.
Cleveland in his famous bond doais.
"So far as tho public has been able to toll,
this gentleman is absolutely tho creature of
four men Mr. David B. Hill, Mr. August Bel
mont, Mr. Patrick McCarren, and Mr. Francis
Lyndo Stetson, the well-known lawyor of Mr.
Pierpont Morgan who was tho intermediary
between Mr. ' Cleveland and Mr. Morgan in
those same bond deals."
Tho editor of Tho Commoner learned months
before that Judge Parker was Mr. Morgan's can
didate. Before tho papers began to boom him It
was known that ho was being discussed in finan
cial circles, and eighteen months ago Mr. Morgan
was reported to liavo declared him a safe and
suitable man before tho papers began to discuss
the possibility of his candidacy. We have had
ono J. Pierpont Morgan president, and ho did
tho democratic party more harm than all tho re
publican presidents since the war. When tho re
publicans elect a Wall street man, tho democrats
can denounce him and gain recruits by so doing.
When the democrats are unfortunato enough to
have a Wall street president, they have to either
denounce him or apologize for him, and no mat
ter which they do, they have to bear tho odium
of his administration. No wonder Mr. Cleveland
speaks highly of Judge Parker. Ho Is on the In
side, and knows that Mr. Parker is satisfactory to
Morgan and Belmont and tho other financial mag
nates who ran the Cleveland administration, and
yet while it is as plain as' day that the Parker
boom finds its source in Wall street, there are
many democrats who aro trying to' argue them
selves Into believing that Judge marker would bo
a good man to harmonize on. He has tho same
environment that Mr. Cleveland had, and It can
be set down as a certainty that Wall street al
ways finds out a man's views before it supports
him, however much those, views may bo con
cealed from the public gonerally.
JJJ
Not at all Strange.
The New York World asks: "Is" it not strange
that tho managers of our great corporations have'
not yet learned tho utter folly of attempting to
manipulate the malting of tho laws, of seeking
to affect the execution of those laws after they
. are made? Do not these great aggregations of
capital, more even than the humblest citizen, need
the law's protection in their daily undertakings?
Js it not folly's crowning act for them to sot them
selves up to evado and combat the people's will,
which is the source of all law?"
Why does tho World think this strange? It
is true that so far as final results aro concerned
it is folly; and yet it is not at ail strange that
these men who have so thoroughly succeeded in
manipulating legislation and avoiding the execu
tion of laws that are distasteful to them have not
yet learned that their policy Is a bad one.
Do we not know that In nearly every town In
the country municipal government is controlled
by the corporations and municipal policies framed
to suit tho wishes of corporation managers?
Do we not see In many of tho states legisla
tures dominated by corporation lobbies, men who
have been chosen by the corporations elected to
tho United States senate and legislation generally
framed along corporation lines?
" Do we not see the power wielded by corpora
tion managers in tho halls of congress and Iho
Influence exercised by these same men in tho ex
ecutive branch of the federal government?
On the other hand, do we not find In .many In
stances newspapers like the New York World
that, while protesting generally againstolhe ma
chinations of the30 corporation leaders aro fre
quently found ardently supporting the plans agreed
upon by these men?
If the press of the country would, in consid
eration of the program adopted by the corpora
tion managers in particular cases, practice what
It preaches on general lines, marked improvement
would be immediately noticeable. But it is a
lamentable fact that while the metropolitan edi
tors would become highly indignant if it were
charged that they were In league with the special
intorosts, metropolitan nowspapors aro vory gen
erally engaged In supporting corporation manag
ers in tholr offort to dominate public affairs.
So long as tho metropolitan nowspapors as
sail mon who protest against corporation encroach
ment nnd lend tholr influence to corporation
schomes, it may bo depended upon that the cor
poration innnagors will not change tholr tactics.
Until these groat nowspapors got In lino with
public interests, not by writing profound essays
upon general subjects, but In m.iKlng vigorous
and plain-spoken protest against tho efforts of
corporation lobbies to control political conventions
and to elect their pots to ofllco, tnp managers of
our great corporations will not learn tho "uttor
folly of attempting to manipulate the making of
tho laws and seolclng to affect the oxeculion of
thoso laws after they aro made,"
JJJ
"There are Others.
Itoforring to tho selection by H. C. Frlck, the
steel trust magnate, of Mr. Knox to bo United
States senator, tho Now York"Wor)d says: "Is It
not a colossal outrago that threo 6i four men who
are republicans In republican states, democrats in
democratic states and corporation mon always
and ovorywhoro should have tho power to select
in tho inner ofllco of a railway company tho man
who in tho namo of a great historic party shall
represent tho second state of tho Union an a mem
ber of tho most august doliborato assembly on
earth?"
It will bo admitted that that Is somothiug of
an "outrage."
Thero is just now an effort mado to porsuado
tho democratic convention to nominate for tho
presidency a man who Is tho pet candidate of cor
poration men.
August Bolmont, tho flnancior whoso methods
havo been roundly denounced by tho Now York
World, is tho leader of the coterie of corporation
men who havo undertaken to push this particular
candidacy to tho front.
Is It any more offensive that tho tnmt mag
nates should select the man who in tho name of
tho republican party "shall represent tho second
state of tho Union as a member of tho most aug
ust deliberate assembly on earth," than that tho
same Influences should select a man who In the
name of the democratic party is to represent all
of the states and all of the people in tho highest
political office In tho world?
And yet, while tho New York World condemns
tho selection of Knox by Frlck, It sives its cordial
support to Parker, tho protege of Belmont.
SJJ
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