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WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
Commoner.
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VoL 4. NO. 23
Lincoln, Nebraska, June 17, 1904.
Whofc No. 178.
SIX-YEAR TERM
An organization known as tho National Busi
ness League, with headquarters at Chicago, Is
attempting to secure a change in the constitution
that will, first, extend the president's term to six
years, and, second, make the president ineligible
to re-election. The resolutions adopted by the
executive committee will be found upon another
page. It will be noticed that the emphasis is
placed upon the extension of the, term, rather
than upon the making of the president ineligible
to re-election.
The editor of The Commoner has for a num
ber of years urged a constitutional amendment
which would make the president ineligible to re
election. He introduced a resolution when a mem
ber of congress proposing such an amendment,
and in both of his campaigns announced his fixed
purpose, if elected, not to be a candidate for re
election. The arguments against the ineligibility of a
president are numerous and strong, and there ia
no very weighty reason in favor of eligibility.
The country is well supplied with men entirely
competent, and it can never be said that the coun
try depends so completely upon one person that
his failure to be re-elected would materially en
danger the country. On the other hand, we have
time and again seen a presidential administration
devoted largely, If not entirely, to the securing
of a renominatlon and election. The present ad
ministration ia an excellent illustration of this
JFrom the time of the president's entry upon his s
official duties, as a result of the deplorable death
of President McKinloy, he has been planning his
nomination to. the detriment of the public seryice.
Surely one entrusted with the great responsibili
ties of chief executive ought to find honor enough
in one term and be willing to devote himself ex
clusively to the discharge of the duties of his
office.
Self-interest is so disturbing a factor that
wo are careful to exclude it in trials by challeng
ing any judge or juror who has an interest in the
result The same principle would lead us to free
from selfish bias the chief executive who must de
cide upon so many grave questions.
But why should the term be lengthened? Four
years are enpugh for a good president toaccom
pllsh a great deal, and six years would enable a
bad president to do much harm. Counting thirty
three years as a generation, a four-year term
would only permit the honoring of eight men in
one generation, while with a six-year term six
presidents would more, than cover a generation.
Tho argument that a presidential election In
terferes with business is the same argument that
is advanced in behalf of a monarchy- namely,
that as there is no change of administration busi
ness is less disturbed by elections than in repub
lics. There is a plain and obvious answer to tho
arguments based upon the disturbance of busi
ness. Business is only disturbed by presidential
elections because tho government has been used
to help certain branches of business at the ex
pense of other branches of business. It ia per
fectly natural that industries dependent upon leg
islation should be disturbed by the prospect of a
withdrawal of special privileges, but the remedy
is not to be found in lengthening the presidential
term (to elect a president for life would cause
less disturbance of business than to elect him for
six years), but to keep the government out of
class legislation and make it a government "of
the people, jy the people, and for the people."
It will be noticed that the Business League
emphasizes the Influence of elections upon tariff
and finance. The manufacturers and the finan
ciers are the- ones who have been riding the gov
ernment to death and "who resent any interference
with the favoritism which they have engrafted
upon the goyernment. It is true that elections wilL
disturb business as long as the government ia used
as a private asset in business affairs, but with
the government confined to its legitimate func
tions and legislating for the public at large rather
than for special interests, there would bo no rea
son for the disturbance of business by a presi
dential campaign. Public Opinion is quoted as
citing the decline in tho sales 'on tho stock ex
change during presidential elections as evidence
.of the disturbance of business. If gambling was
eliminated from tho stock exchange and legisla
tive aid withdrawn from the great corporations
that have been thriving upon favoritism, tho bus
iness of the stock 4exchange would be reduced to
. a legitimate basis and a presidential contest would
. not disturb quotations.
But speaking of changing the presidential
term, why not change the date of inauguration?
It occurs at the worst season of tho year, when
the weather is nearly always bad. If tho presi
dential term began in May instead of March, tho
weather would, bo better and the president would
have two months more time to prepare himself
for his official- work. Then, too, tho sessions of
congress should be changed so that the new mem
ber of congress would begin his duties with the
inauguration of the president and not, as now,
wait thirteen months. The second session could
be made to commence in time to complete Its
work before the fall election. It is a great mis
take to have a sessien of congress after a congres
. slonal election, for a great many members of
congress go out at the end of each term, and some
of the retiring congressmen are not as careful
about their votes a3 they are when they are being
- watched by their constituents. Then, too, if any
thing bad is done at a session just following the
election, the resentment is sometimes softened
by time, and experience has shown that many
measures are rushed through at tho short session
which wou4dQUh6TunderUkcn.4it.&vge8Jlon held
prior to the election. An amendment making the
president ineligible to re-election, fixing his in
auguration for May 4th, providing that tho first
regular session of congress shall bo hold on tho
4th of May and tho second on tho 1st of January,
would produce good results and give added pro
tection to the public.
JJJt
Preparing For Hard Times.
The locomotive firemen of the New York, New
Haven & Hartford railroad recently Invited tho
officers of the road to dinner. Percy R. Todd, one
of the vice presidents of the road, is reported to
have said during the course of his remarks:
"I want to say that there are many
indications now that for the next few years
hard times are ahead. Business is falling off
everywhere. It would be well for your com
mittee to remember that and to reckon with
it in asking consideration of claims frpm the
company."
If, as Mr. Todd says, the indications volnt to
hard times, what Is going to become of tho pros
perity argument which the republican party has
been employing diligently? If business is fall
ing off everywhere, how are they going to whoop
It up for the full dinner pail? It will be noticed
that he does, not say that tho hard times will
last a few months (during the campaign), but ho
predicts hard times for the next few years.
The press dispatches report a large number of
men discharged during the last few months, and
we are told that clerks are being discharged in
New York because business is dull. What can all
this mean? Did not the people buy prosperity at
an enormous price? Did they not elect a republi
can administration for the express purpose of get
ting prosperity? Did they not turn down free sil
ver reject tariff reform, swallow Imperialism and
risk private monopolies just for prosperity? When
a man sells his birthright for a mess of pottage
he ought to bo careful that the pottage docs not
get away. It looks as if the republican leaders
were unable to deliver the goods sold. How can
" men out of employment be expected to wear yel
low hats and march in sound money parades?
How can they be expected to hurrah for the re
publican party with the trusts, raising prices and
discharging men? Veiily, the republican party
will have a rocky road if "for the next few years
hard times are ahead."
BREAD-LABOR
Count Tolstoi, the great Russian philosopher,
in an essay entltlod "Industry and Idleness," in
dorses the theory of "Bread-Labor" presented
some years ago by a Ruslan named Bondaref.
"The Agriculturist's Triumph," Is the name oft
Bondaref s work and he declares: "It Is phy
sically impossible that true religious knowledge,
or pure morality, should exist among any classes
of a nation who do not work with their hands for
their bread." Tolstoi declares that this is an
absolute law, 'the infringement of which In
volves ills and sufferings and the observance of
which is demanded of us by God, or by Reason,
as Bondaref expresses it." Tolstoi explains that
Bondaref's rule does not demand "that ovory man
should absolutely put on poasant's shoes and fol
low tho plow, though ho says that would be de
sirable and would liberate people sunk in luxury
from the delusions that torment them," but he
represents Bondaref as saying that every man
should consider "tho duty of physical labor of
direct participation in thoso labors of which ha
enjoys the fruits as his first, chief and Indubit
ably sacred obligation, and that people should ba
brought up to recognize that duty."
So' strong an Impression has Bondaref mada
upon the mind of Tolstoi that the latter declare
that Bondaref's work "will survive all other
works described In this dictionary (a dictionary
of Russian authors), and have more effect on
tho people than all tho other books monlloned in
itput together." He giyes the reason for thla
as follows;
"And tho reason for my conviction Is,
that just as thero are an Innumerable quan
tity of false paths that lead nowhere and
are therefore unnecessary, but only one true
path that leads us to our aim and is there
" fore necessary, so also thero are an lnnum-
erable quantity of falso, unnecessary thoughts,
but only one true and needful thought, or,
rather, direction of thought; and that true and
. needful direction of thought in our time has
been expressed by Bondaref in his book, with a
force, clearness and conviction with whicl
no one else had expressed it. Therefore th&
many works that now seem so important and
necessary may vanish completely and bo for
gotten; but what Bondaref has said, and that
to which ho has called men, will not bo for
gottenfor life itself will bring men morn
and more to see tho force of his statements."-
In this essay, ("Idleness and Industry"), one
of his greatest, Tolstoi elaborates and defends thia
theory. Among tho reasons given by him in thia
essay and elsewhere attention Is called to three
First, that if one throws upon others the drudg
ery j)f life, the production of food and clothing,
while hedoes some more pleasant labor, he never
can be quite sure that ho is supporting himself
Tolstoi argues that human nature is so consti
tuted that each one Is apt to place a high estimate
upon his own work, and the more so if this is an
easy and pleasant work. In deciding, therefore,
what compensation is to bo exacted, one la biased,
in his own favor, and la apt to measure his con
tribution at a high price while measuring at a low
price the coarser work done by others.
The second reason is that bread-labor equal
izes all "and clips the wings of luxury and lust"
"One cannot plough," says Tolstoi, "or dig well
dressed In fine clothes with clean hands. Work at
one sacred occupation common to all would draw;,
men together." He adds that bread-labor "will
restore reason to those who have lost it by stand-,
ing aside from the life natural to man and will
.give happiness and content to thdae engaged In.'
work undoubtedly useful and appointed by God
himself, and by the laws of nature."
Luxury destroya the body, weakens the mlntfi
and undermines tlae morala. If breadlabor a.
constant participation In the primary struggle
with nature will rid the world of luxury, thea
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