-
The Commoner.
WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
Vol. 4. No. 20.
Lincoln, Nebraska, June 3, 1904.
Whole No. 176.
MONEY IN POLITICS
The New York World, which, is ,one of the
strenuous advocates of Judge Parker, seems to
bo getting more Parkerism than it wants. It is
now objecting to James T. Woodward, one bf the
New York electors. What is the matter with Mr.
Woodward? He really represents in an open way
what the reorganizers want secretly, but dare not
admit. What does the World think of Cord Meyer
for chairman of the democratic state committee
of New York? Besides representing the trusts
he is said to have opposed the democratic party
in both 1896 and 1900. The World says that we
have had abundant evidence of the power of mon
ey in public affairs, and it was advocating the
nomination of Cleveland, who gave us a splendid
illustration of the power of money in public af
fairs, and whose nomination today would be more
pleasing to Wall street than the nomination of
any republican. The following editorial in a re
cent issue of the World, entitled "Money in Poll
tics," shows how Mr. Pulitzer's breast Isagitated
with fear that the democratic party may become
commercialized:
" 'I liope wrote Thomas Jefferson to George
Logan, 'we shall crush in its birth the aristocracy
of our moneyed corporations, which dare already
to challenge our government to a trial of strength
and bid defiance to the laws of our country
"Jefferson would have been surprised to hear
that the time would come when his own party in
the greatest state of the Union would put forward
as its chief representative a man with, no other
claim to preferment than his connection with
those moneyed corporations which, even in their
mewling infancy, had seemed so alarming.
"The selection of James T. Woodward as head
of the democratic electoral ticket is dismissed by
some as unimportant, on the ground that an elec
tor is only a figurehead. But that is precisely
where its ominous significance lies. In the decay
of politics appearances are the last things to be
sacrificed. A commercialized party may have a
popular figurehead, but a popular party will not
tolerate a commercial figurehead.
"We have had abundant evidence of the power
of money in public affairs. Last winter it was
proposed to authorize the construction of pipe
galleries in the new subways. The Rapid Transit
commission, while admitting that this would be a
most desirable improvement, refused to ask for it
on the ground that it would be impossible to get
anything through the legislature against the
Wishes of the Consolidated Gas company. This
same Consolidated Gas company found no trouble
in getting the legislature to pass a bill giving it a
perpetual monopoly in the streets of New York,
and in inducing a democratic mayor to sign it.
"Money has debauched Pennsylvania. It has
qualified a good part of the legislature of Mis
souri and of the city council of St. Louis for the
penitentiary. It has bought up the republican
party of Delaware. It has reduced politics in
Montana to a contest between copper mining com
panies. It threatens to rob New York and the
world of Niagara.
"Yet the democratic party of New York asks
a popular vote of confidence in a ticket headed by
a man who represents nothing whatever but
money who never took any interest in public
affairs, never came Into touch with the govern
ment except to see what he could make out of it,
never made a political speech or had a recorded
political idea.
"Is it strange that Mr. Bryan should have a
hearing when he talks about the 'money power?'
Is .there not a good deal of truth in his criticisms
of the men who have undertaken to reform the
. democracy by transferring it from his hands to
those of the corporations and syndicates?"
Sluco the above editorial appeared In tho
World, Mr. Woodward's name was withdrawn from
the ticket on account of ineligibility.
JJJ
Burglarious Methods.
It is quite the fashion for the reorganizers to
talk of "harmony between tho factions," and
about "standing shoulder to shoulder," but tho
insincerity of such talk becomes apparent when
the methods and purposes of tho reorganlzors are
understood. Where the reorganizers can by force
or fraud secure control cf tho organization they
proceed to disregard every rule of honesty, dem
ocracy or decency. What loyalty to democratic
principles can bo expected from those who deny
tho right of tho majority to rule? What harmony
can there be between those who believe in an
honest fight for honest government and thoso
whose only desire Is to distribute patronage and
who trample on the rights of their political asso
ciates. If tho reorganizers really wanted har
mony they would say: "Wo have been opposed
to recent platforms and are still opposed to some
planks in them, but wo believe that republican
rule is bad and we desire to join the regular demo
crats In defeating tho republican party. Wo will
' state our views when they differ from the Kansas
City platform so that the voters at tho primaries
can act intelligently in choosing delegates. If a
majority indorse our views wo shall be glad to
go as delegates and will carry out the instructions
given. If the majority favor a now platform in
harmony with the Kansas City platform, it is only
fair that the delegates shall be personally favor
able to such a policy."
If the reorganizers had made some such an
announcement they would have shown somo ro
spect for democratic methods as well as a desire
for democratic success, but instead of that they
proceeded by stealth, by deception, by unfair rul
ings and by -the impudent dlsrogard of the rights
of majorities to select delegates secretly pledged
to Wall street, but whose views are unknown to
tho public. Wherever the reorganizers control
an ambiguous platform, or no platform at all, is
adopted, and the candidates are cautioned not
to allow their opinions tcbe known on any sub
ject. It would be a reflection upon the democrats
t who at great sacrifice, but with great devotion
' supported tho ticket In recent years to say that
. they could work harmoniously with the men who,
openly boasting of their desertion In 189G, em
ploy burglarious methods to secure control of the
party organization and who hope in the same way
to secure the olfices.
JJJ
It Will Not Suit A Democrat.
The New York World says: "The national
convention will frame a platform with which
Mr. Brjan will not be able to quarrel on tho
score of its lack of explicitness, although it may
be safely predicted that It will not suit him in any
other particular."
The World simply confesses the truth of the
charge very generally made by democrats, that It
is the purpose of the reorganizers, should they
obtain control of the democratic national con
vention, to adopt a platform that would bo so
thoroughly undemocratic and so similar to the
republican platform, that the two great parties
would differ in name only.
JJJ
Uncle Sam's Troubles.
The Spanish minister at . Washington says
that the loss of her colonies was the best thing
that could have happened to Spain. It must bo
admitted that if Spain cherishes any animosity
towards Uncle Sam she is getting a lot of quiet
satisfaction out of watching the trouble he ia
having' with them.
SOCIETY'S PRODIGAL SON
Wo all know tho story of tho prodigal son
of his high-spirited doparturo from his father
house and of his disappointing career. Wo know
how, after wasting his substance In riotous liv
ing, aftor being brought by hungor to a sonso of
his sin, ho turned back and in ropentanco sought
his father's house. Wo know how tho father had
yearned for him in his absenco and how ho wel
comed him on his approach, forgavo him his way-
.wardncss and rejoiced In his reinstatement. But
this story tells of tho caso of a son of the blood,
who first wandered away and then came back to
tho sire from whom ho sprung. But has not this
lesson a wider meaning? Society has Its prodigal
sons sons who wander away, yield to temptation,
sin grievously, break tho laws, and finally after
punishment desire to lead an upright life. What
are wo, to do with these? Any one who has con
versed with ex-convicts knows that tho critical
time in tho reformation of the criminal Is the
time when he Issues from the prison door and
comes Into contact with a cold and unsympathetic
world.
Great Improvement has been made In the
method of treating criminals and there is still
room for further improvement. There has been
Improvement also in the metlukUof employment
Instead of bringing the prisoner into competition
with freo labor, an effort Is being made to find
employment which will make the labor of the
prisoner productive and yet not cause an injury
to thoso who must by their manual labor pro
vide support for their families.
Tile employment of prlsonors in agriculture
has been found to bo productive of good, becauso
tho employment is a wholesome one and thoso
employed In the tilling of the soil help to produco
food for themselves and others. The Good Roads
movement suggests a new use for prison labor.
Tho employment of convicts In tho building of
roads reduces the expenses of such an Improve
ment to a minimum and brings tho convict to tho
attention of the public. A man employed at this
work feels that he Is really conferring a benefit
upon society, and at the same time feels assured
that his work Is not lowering the standard of liv
ing of any of his fellows.
Those who deal with the criminal should doal
with him recognizing that there is in his body an
immortal soul, a spark of spiritual llfo, a moral
sense that can bo quickened into a controlling
influence, and tho cultivation and development
of tho good In the prisoner ought to bo the con
stant aim of those who are in charge of reformat
tory institutions. But even this is not sufficient,
for the courage and hope inspired within tho
walls of tho prison may bo chilled by the distrust
and suspicion met with outside. The great diffi
culty is that the individual to whom the ox
convict applies fears to trust him until he has
given proof of his reformation. Only those who
are deeply alive to tho obligations of brotherhood
and Chilftlan love are willing to risk tho em
ployment of one who has been convicted of a
crime. Cannot organized society give to the ex
convlct an opportunity to demonstrate a change
in his purpose and plan of life? Cannot the state
with propriety and with benefit to Itself offer an
opportunity for voluntary employment for a per
iod that will convince the world that the man is
again worthy of confidence. As It is today the ex
convlct Is tempted to hide from his employer hla
previous record, and if by any means it is dis
covered, both employer and the associates of the
employe feel that they have been imposed upon
If a man could go from tho walls of the peniten
tiary into employment furnished by the state, -ha
could in a few months of voluntary labor and ex-.
L.f.. 1 "j.
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