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baleful Influence on the Cleveland administration,
is prominent In tho Parker contingent In Con
noticut, and you will And in your own state and
throughout tho country that his most enthusias
tic champfona aro tho mon who openly opposed
our ticket in 1890. The trust magnates, tho great
bankers and the railroad attornoys would not bo
so unanimous in his support if they did not have
secrot assurances In regard to his position. Those
who, like you and I, boliovo that the best inter
ests of the country require President Roosevelt's
dofeat at the coming election must consider two
questions first, can a democratic victory bo se
cured by an ambiguous platform and a tongue
tied candidate? and second, would a victory under
such conditions bring us tho change desired? To
answer the first question wo have only to ro
mombor tho party's experionco in 3894. Tho men
who seek to regain control of tho party were
then in absolute control. Mr. . Cleveland was
president, his cabinet was "pure gold," and the
mombors of the national committee were in full
sympathy with his administration, and yet our
party was defeated in the congressional contest by
,1,080,000 votos. Whether measured by the pop
ular voto, by the number of states carried or by
tho number of congressmen elected, the defeat of
'94 was moro disastrous than the defeat in '9G or
in 1900. If this defeat occurred before tho open
desortlon of Mr. Cleveland and his political sym
pathizers, what would bo the result if tho party
should now go into a campaign on a meaningless
platform and under tho leadership of one justly
suspected of representing Mr. Cleveland's politi
cal views? You rememoer that Mr. Cleveland's
administration lost us some of tho southern
statos, and croatod a very activo opposition to the
democratic party in nearly all the others and
this, too, notwithstanding tho overshadowing in
fluence exerted by fho race question. Even from
tho standpoint of expediency it would, it seems
to me, bo criminal folly to throw away the chances
of success by putting the party in a doubtful posi
tions on public questions or under doubtful lead
ership. Tho moro anxious wo are to defeat tho
republicans tho moro careful wo ought to be to
put tho party in a position, where it would
deserve success, for it would bo a reflection upon
tho patriotism and Intelligence of tho country to
assume that thoro is any bettor way to insure
success than to deserve it.
But oven If It were possible to suppose that
victory could bo won by marshalling tho six mil
lions of voters under tho three hundred thousand
desertors (as you estimate them) what would tho
victory amount to? Tho mon who deserted tho
party aro really moro antagonistic to democratic
principles than tho average republican. Many re
publicans oppose tho democratic party simply be
cause of their allegiance to tho republican party,
but those who left tho democratic party in 9G
showed that thoi'r hostility to democracy was
strong enough to make thom disregard political
ties and political associations. Mr. Cleveland did
the democratic party more harm than any repub
lican president has been able to do it. He fas
tened upon the party responsibility for his be
trayal of both the party and tho people. I am sure
you will agree with me when I say that in both
campaigns (1896 and 1900) his administration, al
though our party attempted to repudiate it, did
more to defeat our party than the activo opposi
tion of himself and of such subordinates as he
could coerce.
The trouble with President Roosevelt's ad
ministration is that it is on tho sldo of plutocracy
as against democracy, on tho side of organized
wealth as against the masses, and if by any pos
sibility wo should elect another democratic presi
dent controlled by tho influences that controlled
Mr. Cleveland, what assurance have we that he
would attempt to undo what recent republican
presidents havo done? Tho reorganizes aro as
clearly and as completely controlled by tho mo
nopolists as aro tho republican leaders, and with
one of their representatives in tho White house
wo could confidently expect the appointment of
supremo court judges who, like the three gold
democrats now on tho supremo bonch, would de
cide against the power of congress to protect the
public from industrial monopolies. These judges
could block remedial legislation for years to
come.
Instead of a plan of evasion and surrender,
, which would add disgrace to defeat in case of de
feat, and would disappoint the people even if it
won, tho party should, I think, make an honest
and democratic fight against all tho republican
policies. I can not believo that the democratic
party will throw away the, great opportunity it
The Commoner.
now has to make a successful attack on tho
strongholds of republicanism not by trying to
win back by fatal concessions corporation-controlled
democrats, but by appealing to the con
science of tho country and to tho patriotism of
tho people. We can neither draw honest men to
the party nor arouse enthusiasm among our own
people by showing a greater desiro ror ' winning"
than for principles. If wo tefuso to declare a
definite purpose before tho election no one will
expect us to do so after the election. If our
policies are really wise, tho moro clearly they are
stated tho better, for truth like good seed will
yield abundantly.
Most earnestly believing that the corporation
element now seeking to regain control of tho
democratic party would lead tho party not only
to "defeat but to disastrous defeat, and believing
that a democratic administration controlled by
these influences would disappoint the democrats
of tho country and delay tho triumph of real
democracy, I am doing all in my power to maintain
the integrity of the democratic party, and prevent
a surrender to the corporations. I can not claim
to love my party better than you iqve it, nor can
I ask you to substitute my judgment for your own,
but during the last twelve years I have become
intimately acquainted with the purposes, the plans,
and tho methods of those who are now leading
tho reorganization movement, and believing them
to be a serious menace to the party's welfare as
well as to the country's good, I must continue to
oppose them In season and out of season. It would
be a source of great encouragement to me if in
this struggle I felt that I had the activo co
operation of all who, like yourself, have been
loyal to the party in recent campaigns. But if
I can not have it I shall console myself with the
belief that events will vindicate my course and
prove to those who have trusted me that in this
contest I am only doing my duty as 1 have tried
to do it in preceding contests.
In conclusion allow me to assure you 6f my
high esteem and to express the nope that you
may live to rejoice in the triumph of a real demo
cracy .and to see the country in the full enjoyment
of its blessings.
As you gave your letter to wie press, 1 am
sure that you will not object, to the publication of
this. Very truly yours,
W. J. BRYAN.
' ' JJJ .
Will Shew Explain?
Secretary Shaw has talked enough to earn the
distinction of being the mouthpiece of the Roose
velt administration but he now has ample reason
to do some talking in his own behalf. He has
become the central figure in an official scandal
which, until it is cleared up, will monopolize his
vocal powers. A Des Moines dispatch relates
that there is 'information on file in the governor's
office" there showing that Secretary Shaw, when
governor, paroled a desperate criminal at the
request of political leaders and for political pur
posesand the evidence further shows that the
parole was granted in spite or the remonstrance
of the trial judge and prosecuting attorney. Dave
Mercer, a republican congressman, was a candi
date for re-election in the Omaha district and
wanted the aid of the gang to which the prisoner
belonged. Mr. Hubbard, tho political boss who
found Governor Shaw and engineered his nomina
tion, wrote a letter to the governor and called
attention to the service which Mercer had ren
dered to "us" in passing "the bill for the set
tlement of the Sioux City and Pacific indebted
ness." Hubbard adds: "I suppose there is no
doubt that he (the prisoner) is guilty of the
crime charged but Dave sayB he has been pun
ished .pretty well now and that it will be worth
300 or 400 votes to him from relatives of Sher
eliff if he can be paroled." AND HE WAS PA
ROLED. Secretary Shaw has been quick to warn
the people against tariff reform and against anv
interference with the plans of tho money chanc
ers; he has even given the country an occasional
defense of the trusts. The country would now
appreciate a dissertation upon the political uso
of executive clemency. With an Indiana governor
shielding a republican indicted for murder and a
Iowa governor paroling a convicted thief to aid
a republican congressman it would seem t at
the republican party would soon cease t? boas
of its reverence for law and order Tf inrnfo
Shaw exhibits a disinclination o throw i
upon the subject the prosWen? mSht t ht
of his addresses on civic rightist w tl Tl
VOLUME 4, NUMBER 17.
discussion of tho ethics of the Hubbnrri w
The "guana old party"- must be nearw thI l
of its usefulness if criminal must be nL?1
to reward a republican congressman fo? 8Un?
porting a railroad measure.' And if 4L
Shaw thus abused his former executive authm!?
is he not likely to abuse his present 2
to reward the Wall street magnates who
expected to finance the republican campaign?
w 1
Labor's Splendid Example.
The press dispatches tell of the action of th
Chicago Carriage Makers' -Union in punishine I
member who resorted' to violence in dealing with
a non-union mari. John Bergqtflst was the offend
ing member and his offense was an assault unnn
Harry T. Stevens a fellow 'workman who refused
to join the union. Mr. Bergquist was fined twentv
dollars by his association and then his union
turned him over to fhe police court and fellow
members furnished the evidence to convict him
The Inter Ocean says that the action was taken in
pursuance of the policy adopted by the union
The carriage makers are to be congratulated; they
have done more to make friends for organized
labor than they could have done In any other
way. A large majority ofN the people sympathize
with the laboring man and are anxious to see
him improve his conditions. The acts of law
lessness charged to strikers though generally
unjustly soare the things relied upon by capital
ists to alienate public sympathy. A single use of
force is reiterated over and over again by the
capitalistic press, and the criminal acts of irre
sponsible thugs and desperadoes are charged up
to labor organizations. While it is impossible
for the unions to entirely avoid misrepresenta
tion the summary punishment by the unions
themselves of members who attempt to take tho
law into their own hands is the most effective
means they can employ to prove their respect for
law and order. And why not be the first to pun
ish? The union man does his fellows a grievous
wrong and retards the legitimate work of his
organization when he brings upon his order the
odium which attaches to a law breaker. If all
the organizations of labor will follow the example
of the Chicago carriage makers' union the plain
people will soon be massed in solid phalanx be
hind the laboring men and the capitalists who as
managers of the great corporations are now defy
ing the law will have a monopoly of the defense
of lawlessness. Labor's cause fe just and an ap
peal to the inate and universal sense of justice
will finally, win violence is the only thing that
can check it.
Gage's Defense of Wealth.
Hon. Lyman J. Gage, formerly secretary of
the treasury but now enjoying a rich banking
berth which he earned by turning the treasury
department over to Wall street, has recently made
a defense of the accumulation of wealth. The
occasion was a session of the Bible class of John
D. Rockefeller, Jr. He said: "The men who havo
accomplished great things are the most poorly
paid, no matter how rich they may fce." Quoting
a clergyman as saying that no man can acquire a
million dollars in a lifetime without robbing some
one, he said: "If the man who can make two
blades of grass grow where one grew before takes
to himself one-fourth of the Increased product and
lets three-fourths go to society, society gets a
very good bargain." This is an unfortunate illus
tration because it does not state the situation
which he is trying to defend: There is no criti
cism of those who really produce some thing.
Society would, not complain if the producer of an
additional blade of grass kept it all. What so
ciety complains of and justly, too is that men
who do not produce anything men who add
nothing to the world's wealth saddle the masses
and ride them with whip and spur. A great man)'
of Mr. Gage's financial associates have grown rich
by means of schemes of exploitation which do
not differ in morals from the methods of the high
wayman. Take, for instance, a trust that obtains
a monopoly of a market. Its first act is usually to
raise the price of the product, tho second to re
duce the price of the raw material and the third
to impose harsher conditions upon employes. The
managers of the trust do not increase the number
of grass blades; they do not increase production.
On the contrary' they put into operation plans
that must lead ultimately to an inferior product
and decreased consumption. If ainan learns that a
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