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The Commoner
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WILLIAM X BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR,
Vol. 4. No. 16.
Lincoln, Nebraska, May 6, 1904.
Whole No. 172.
Far-Fetched Excuses.
Tho Nashville Banner, in trying to explain
the disastrous defeat of 1894 a defeat which Lne
democratic party suffered when Mr. Cleveland wag
president and while the party organization was
in the absolute control of his friends says that
the defeat was due to tho refusal of the demo?
cratic majority In congress to comply with Mr.
Cleveland's wishes. If the Banner will take the
trouble to examine the record, it will find, first,
that the hill recommended by Mr. Cleveland was
identical with a bill introduced by Senator John
Sherman a year before. "Was Senator Sherman
in the habit of introducing -democratic measures?
Second, a larger percentage of republicans
than democrats voted to support Mr. Cleveland's
recommendation. Are the republicans in the habit
of furnishing votes for democratic measures?
Third, when Mr.' Cleveland's policies were
submitted to tho democratic voters two-thirds of
them repudiated his actions. Are the democrats
in tho habit of repudiating the administration of
a man elected by them without grave provoca
tion? It Is certain that Mr. Cloveland represented
the minority of the party quite a small minority,
in fact in his financial policy. By what Tight,
measured by democratic principles, does the Ban
ner complain of the refusal of a majority to bo
led by a minority? The fight against Mr. Cleve
land was made at the primaries. Tho advocates of
bimetallism presented their platform and asked
for instructions.
Mr. Cleveland and his friends never make
that kind of a fight, eveii where they have a ma
jority. They never present a clear, well defined
and honest issue. -Like tho republicans, they at
tempt to deceive the public in their platforms, and
like tho republicans they resort to every species
of unfairness at the polls. The republicans un
derstood Mr. Cleveland when they gave his ad
ministration such a cordial support on the money
question, and Mr Cleveland understood the re
publicans when he gave them a cordial suppoit
during the campaign. There seems to be a very
clear understanding between Mr. Cleveland and
his friends on his side and the republicans on the
other side. They work together harmoniously
whonever the interests of the money magnates are
at stake.
The Banner ought to try again and see if it
cannot furnish a better explanation of tho dis
aster that overtook the democratic party in 18S4,
Tho reason for that defeat is very obvious. Mr.
Cleveland betrayed the party into the hands of
.Wall street and the democrats were so disgusted
that a large number of them did not go to the
polls at all. Even Missouri went republican. The
Banner says: "It was the democratic membcis
of this congress (the 53rd) who failed of re-election
and their defeat did not argue the unpop
ularity of Mr. Cleveland and of his policy." While
it is true that a great many Bilver demoprats went
down to defeat in 1894 the record will show that a
larger proportion of the democrats who supported
Mr. Cleveland wore defeated than of those who
opposed him In fact, leaving out Missouri, there
wore only a handful of democrats north of the
Mason and Dixon line.
Labor Bills Postponed.
A week ago the house committee postpone
consideration of the. bill to abolish government by
"function and now- another committee has post
poned consideration of tho oight-nour bill. Of
course they were postponed and one of tho cor
poration papers exultantly declares that postpone
ment is equivalent to rejection.
Tho republican party Is completely controlled
by the corporations and labor can hope for noth
ing at its hands. The reorganizers are evfcn moro
hostile to labor's interests than tho republican
leaders. How long will it take the laboring men
to learn to secure justice at tho polls? In 1806
a great many laboring men were coerced into vot
ing tho republican ticket; in 1900 many were de
ceived by the full dinner pail argument, but they
now find that the republican party, after using
them to secure a victory, spurns their requests
and disregards their interests.
The Chicago and Kansas City platforms
pledged the democratic party to the measures
then advocated by the laboring men. Had tho la
boring men supported those platforma with 'any
decree of unanimity they would not now find
their petitions rejected.
4JJ
THE LESSON OF 1894.
On another pago will be found an editorial
reproduced from The Public. It is in lino with an
editorial entitled "The Lesson of 1894" published
in The Commoner sbmemonths ago. Those who
are confidently predicting victory under the
leadership of Cleveland, Hill and Belmont, ought
not to forget that wo had an election under the
same leadership in 1894. Mr. Hill was a candi
date for governor that year. Ask- him about the
enormous majority against him. We lost New
Jersey that year, and Connecticut, as well as New
York, Indiana and Illinois. It was a more dis
astrous defeat than the party suffered either in
1896 or in 1900, but the reorganizers convenlentlv
forget the lesson of 1894. If the defeat was so
overwhelming before the leading reorganizers
bolted, what reason have we to believe that they
can lead us to victory after their long sojourn
among the ranks of tho enemy?
Afraid of Their Record.
Referring to the resolution introduced by Con
gressman Cockran providing for an investigation
of the charge that he was paid money for His ser-
vices for the republican party in 1896, Walter
Wellman, the Washington correspondent for the
Chicago Record-Herald, republican, said: "No
one imagines tho republicans will permit an in
vestigating committee to be appointed. They could
hardly afford to go digging into the secrets of
the first McKlnley campaign. Tomorrow the
speaker will probably hold that no question of
personal privilege is presented and that will bo
the end of the matter."
Mr. Wellman sent this dispatch under dale
of April 26. On the following day, true to Mr.
Wollman's prediction, the speaker held that no
nuestion of personal privilege was presented,
question oil u Wellman is not
? 1 nrnnhet in the claim that "that will
a through prophe in tne c blIcang nave
be tto d of the matter. i m
'VIS tc ? go digging into the secrets
CTir MQnWcval'' and they are
very likofto Chelr cyonsldePrable of the Cockran
Sution for several months to come.
Ml I III III
Some Little Straws.
Tho Now York World says that tho omission
from tho Now York platform of a declaration of
"tho historic democratic principle of sound mon
ey" was a great mistake. Tho World says that all
doubt on this subject must bo removed from tho
minds of tho people by tho national platform and
explains that tho question Is sure to bo raised In
the campaign "Is tho democratic party In favor of
honest money, as now defined and maintained by
law, or is it still tainted with the heresies and de
lusions proclaimed In 1896 and reaffirmed in
1900?"
Of course, tho single gold standard is the Now
York World's idea of "honest money," and thero
is little reason to doubt that if the World and Its
followers have their way, tho democratic parly
will confess that In 1896 and 1900 It mado a mis
take in advocating tho money of the constitution
and will contend that the only honest money sys
tem Is the ono that may be readily controlled by
the financiers.
Tho Brooklyn Eagle says that the making of
a 'platform will be a very important work, and
declaring that the nation has decided for tho gold
standard, the Eagle insists that tho democratic
party must take its stand on that lino.
But tho Eagle will not bQcontcnW.wheni'..
shall have switched the democratic party from
bimetallism to the single gold standard. It In
sists that thp party shall abandon its position on
the question of imperialism. According to the
Eagle, "the republican position on the Philippine
question is merely Imitation and extension of
democratic policy."
But even though the Eagle persuade tho dem
ocratic party to adopt the republican position on
the question of Imperialism, tho Eagle will not be
content, for It says:
Nor Is tho democratic party nor can it
be ignorant of or hostile to scientific and
Inevitable business facts. . Tho trust idea,
as it is commonly called, stands In the same
relation to business that electricity does to
the transmission of intelligence or steam to
navigation. It is tho resultant of thought and
of experience, with the wisdom which comes
from both, when applied to business proposi
tions. It can no more be turned about or
changed than could a full grown chicken be
forced back into the shell, or the course of
rivers, which make their bed and find their
way in nature, be arrested or reversed."
Then, referring to the trusts, the Eagle- says:
"They have come and they have come to stay;'
It admits that their regulation Is a legal and con
stitutional duty; but intimates that whatever is
done on this lino must be done very carefully.
But it is worthy of note that in dealing with
tho labor unions, tho Eaglo does not display that
sensitiveness shown In the discussion of thf
trusts. Tho trust, according to the Eagle, has
come and It has come to stay; but that is not
necessarily the fact with tho labor union; and
while the democratic party must apologize for and
even uphold tho trust system, It must show no
mercy in dealing with tho labor union.
Tho Chicago Chronicle has repeatedly in
sisted that tho democratic party declare for the
single gold standard'; and in a recent Issue, the
Chronicle undertakes-to lead tho party from 1U
position on the trust question. The Chronicle say
that what has been known as tho trust era is
simply ''a period of unification and concentration
in every branch of human activity' and that tha
trust' system is "not a trick of the' capitalist, not
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