M
..
The Commoner.
MARCH Jl, 1904.
13
The Wisdom of Doing Right.
(Continued from Pago 2.)
and what is thero back of the tariff?
IDuring the time that wo havo had a
protective tariff we have had the laws
written on that subject by the men
who received the benefit of the laws.
They talk now about tariff commis
sions; who will bo on the commis
sion if one is ever appointed? The
men who pay the taxes? No. The
men who are interested in tho in
dustries that are protected by tariff
these only will be eligible to ap
pointment When I went to Wash
ington I had a letter to a democrat,
to one who in 1896 went out and
helped the republicans under the pre
tense of helpiug the Palmer and
Buckner ticket. I had a letter of in
troduction to him from one of his
friends in the west and when I pre
sented it, ho said: "Mr. Bryan, I
shall bo very glad to do anything I
can for you; just call on me when
ever I can help you in any way." I
was afraid I might not see him again
right away, so I called on him then
and said: "I would like to bo on the
ways and means committee, and if
you can help me I shall appreciate
it." He said: "That is impossible;
we put men on that committee who
are from the manufacturing states."
I said: "Why not put on somebody
from the states that use the manufac
tured articles?" He replied: "That is
not customary." A United States
senator, speaking of the McKinley
bill, said that he had submitted the
bill to the manufacturers of his state
and had found that in every instance
but one the schedules had been pre
pared by the manufacturers them
selves. JHaving made the laws and
laid tho taxes on tho people these
manufacturers have contributed to
campaign funds and these campaign
f linds httVS been Used , to corrupt , the
politics of the country. John Burns,
the great labor leader of London, ob
jects to the protective tariff that they
propose to establish in England, and
why? He calls it a moral issue and
points out that tho members of tho
English parliament are now above
suspicion, not because they are bet
tor men than are found in the Ameri
can congress, but because parliament
has not undertaken to make men rich
br law. He warns Englishmen that,
if parliament assumes the responsi
bility for creating . industries, aiding
enterprises and voting aid to Dusiness
undertakings, then the halls of par
liament will bo thronged with lobby
ists like the halls of the American
congress, and that the same demoral
ization will bo witnessed in parlia
ment that is witnessed in our con
gress. Are you surprised at what is
going' on in this country? Are you
surprised that two United States sen
ators have been indicted for making
a profit out of politics? Are you sur
prised that a member of congress has'
been convicted? Are you surprised
that government officials have been
interested in government contracts
and making money on the side? How
can you be surprised at thee things
when you see a system of legislation
devised for the purpose of helping men
to get rich by law by putting their
hands into the pockets of others?
That is what is going on, and the re
sult? People have come to regard
government as a scheme for private
enrichment and when questions come
up they ask, not, Is it right? but, Will
it pay? Our attorney General in Ne
braska started to enforce the law
against a trust which had a branch
in one of our cities. The people of
the town got together in public meet
ing and protested against the enforce
ment of the law. If a laboring man
protests against the enforcement of a
business men can protest and they
are called patriots and are said to
havo the interests of their community
at heart. This is what you find. It
is because the public conscience has
been seared; it is because of the de
moralization that class legislation has
brought into .American poUMcs. If
wo are gofng to flght the tariff ques
tion I believe we must flght it upon
the moral principle involved, and
what Is tho moral principle involved?
I have spoken of the demoralization
that comes from having lobbyists
around the halls of congress, but
there is another moral principle in
volved, and for fear you may think
that I speak too harshly and use lan
guage too strong I will refer you to a
supreme court decision. I am so con
servative that when I want to be em
phatic I quote what somebody else
has said and when I want to be very
severe I quote what some republican
has said, either on the bench or else
where. Tho court said that to take
money from the people by taxation
and give tho money to some industry
in the town was larceny under the
form of law. Now, is larceny im
moral? The command, thou shalt
not steal, was being violated, accord
ing to that decision.
MTow, the moral principle Involved
in the protective tariff is the same
as the moral principle involved in a
bounty. If I were to propose to tax
the people in this audience one dol
lar each, and collect it forcibly, and
then give the money to some man
upon this platform, you would rise up
and say it was larceny under the
form of law, and yet, my friends, a
protective tariff that makes it impos
sible for you to buy abroad without
paying a certain amount as a fine em
ijodies the same principle. Some of
the manufacturers conspire to take
advantage of the 'tariff anxi charge you
that much moro on the goods that
they produce and that you must buy
and I insist that the principle is ex
actly the same and is more danger
ous because its operation is less visi
ble to the eye than the operation of
the direct bounty. If instead of giv
ing a protective tariff we had given
a bounty all these years it would
have cost the people of the country
less and the laboring people would
nave received a larger percentage of
the money voted. Wo have given it
to the manufacturers and the manu
facturers have grown strong and
rich and powerful, but the laboring
men havo not received their share.
It would have been hundreds of mil
lions of dollars cheaper in the form
of a bounty Instead of a tariff. If we
are going to appeal to ihe conscience
of the American people on tho tariff
question it must not be a question of
schedule whether it is 45 per cent or
43 per cent or 41 per cent or 39 per
cent. If we are going to win our bat
tie on this question, instead of dis
cussing mere figures we must chal
lenge tho republican party to defend
a system that turns over the functions
of the government to private individ
uals and allows tributo to bo col
lected according to the selflsb inter
ests of those who make tho lawJ
There is a moral is3uo involved In
tho trust question also, and I want to
speak on this question for a moment
To hear some men talk you would
suppose that wo had two kinds of
trusts, good trusts and bad trusts,
and the ones you hear about are gen
erally good ones, according to the
oeoplc. You would suppose that thert
woro bonevolcnt trust magnates and
stingy ones, and you have even heard
men justify a trust magnate in col
Incting millions from the people and
then giving back a small proportion
to churches, schools and libraries.
They talk about the benovolonco of
these trust magnates and thoy tell
you that the trusts sometimes reduce
(Continued on Pago 15.)
no 1
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