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The Commoner.
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W1LLIATI J. BRYAN EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
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Vol. 4. No. 7.
Lincoln, Nebraska, March 4, 1904.
Whole No. 163;
A CLEVELAND PLATFORM
Mr. Cleveland lias done the democratic party
a favor "without intending it" or even knowing
it. He has written an article on "The Demo
cratic Opportunity" and" published it in the Sat
urday Evening Post, a paper which makes no
claim to being democratic.
The Sage of Princeton has for some seven
years stood outside of the democratic party and
tossed advice over the wall to his former asso
ciates, but it is not the purpose of this editorial
to criticise his forwardness and presumption. Its
aim is rather to put his advice into concrete form
so that it can be understood by the "rank and
file." Ho says: "Our fighting forces will re
spond listlessly end falteringly if summoned to
a third defeat in a strange cause; but if they
hear the rallying cry of true democracy they will
gather for battle with old-time democratic en
thusiasm and courage."
Not only does he want to return to the
"old-time" democracy (the democracy exempli
fied by his administration), but he wants the
platform to be clear and unambiguous, lie says:
. "Our party has fearless, outspoken and heroic
work to do. This is no time for cunning finesse,
nqr for the use of words that conceal intentions
or carry a double meaning. The democratie paity
has a message to send to its followers and to the
masses of the American people. Let that mes
sage be expressed in language easily understood,
unconfused by evasion and untouched by the
taint of jugglery."
The ex-president has at last said something
that The .Commoner can commend. His plea for
an honest platform is in harmony with the edi
torials which have appeared in this paper. It
will be remembered that The Commoner has not
only urged the reorganizers to present a clear
and definite platform, but it some two years ago
offered the ex-president a reward of $5 if he
would write such a platform. As he steadfastly
refuses to do so, The Commoner presents a
Cleveland platform "unconfused by evasion and
untouched by the taint of jugglery." It is based
upon Mr. Cleveland's official conduct and if any
supporter of Mr. Cleveland finds any ' cunning
finesse" in it, The Commoner will undertake to
remove any "double meaning" that may appear
in the rough draft herewith presented:
A CLEVELAND PLATFORM.
With the hope of arousing "old-time enthus
iasm'' by a return to "true democracy,"' we, the
democrats who refused to support the ticket of
our party in 1896 and 1900, yielding reluctantly
to the popular demand for our leadership, mod
estly, submit a plain statement of the conditions
upon which we are willing to receive on proba
tion those erring brethren who, under the in
fluence of "political nostrums," were stupifed
into adherence, to the Chicago and Kansas City
platforms, leaving to us the "heroic work" of
monopolizing the sanity and good sense of the
country and electing the republican candidates.
First We believe that a platform has no
binding force upon candidates after the election
and we point with pride to the fact that our
last democratic president ignored the platform
declaration in favor of "the coinage of both
gold and silver without discrimination against
either metal or charge for mintage" and forced
through congress .a financial bill Identical with a
bill introduced by a distinguished republican
leader John Sherman a year before.
Second We condemn the coinage of the
seigniorage secured under a republican measure
similar to one vetoed by President Cleveland and
wo are not discouraged because the evils pro
"dicted in the veto message did not follow.
Third Having faith in the sanity, conser
vatism and patriotism of the Wall street finan
ciers, we promise to obey them In all matters
which concern them, and pledge our administra
tion to use the patronage at its disposal to. force
the passage of any measure desired by Wall
Street, even to the extent of rewarding those
who find it necessary to misrepresent their con
stituents in order to please the president. (For
proof of our unwillingness to do this we respect
fully refer to Mr. Cleveland's last administration.)
Fourth If we can find an excuse for the issue
of bonds we promise to give the financiers the
first chance at them, and if a former law partner
of the executive can be found to draw tho con
tract we are In favor of -selling the bonds con
siderably below what they are worth in tho
market.
Fifth We are in favor of tariff reform to
a limited extent, provided it does not interfere
with "sound money," but we guarantee that our
president will help any protectionist, however ex
treme, before he will allow bimetallism to be re
stored. Sixth Wo agree to keep on good enough
terms with the trusts to collect as large a cam
paign fund as the republicans in order that we
may bid against that party for the purchaseable
vote and we agree to keep faith wlch the trusts
after the election to the end that their contri
butions may continue, but we are willing that our
president shall follow Mr. Cleveland's example
and at the close of a 'term of inactivity vociferate
loudly against the trusts after his successor is
elected.
Seventh We, of course, sympathize with la
bor, but we shall not allow that sympathy to
lead us into favoring any legislation which tho
wage-earners desire. Especially shall we oppose
the abolishment of government by injunction, for
what is the use of appointing corporation attor
neys on the federal bench if the trial of laboring
men is to be turned over to a jury.
Eighth We are opposed to imperialism be
tween campaigns. "No greater national fall from
grace was over known," as Mr. Cleveland says,
"than the attempt to conquer and govern without
pretense of their consent millions of resisting
people," but we proclaim our willingness to watch
it with as much unconcern as he did if we are
compelled to choose between a gold-plated "fall
from gra'ce" and the maintenance of national
righteousness on the double standard.
Ninth We pledge our administration to find
remunerative positions with the great corpora
tions for such officials as demonstrate their worth
iness by using their offices to advance the Inter
ests of corporations having business beforo the
departments. We point with some degree of
boastfulness to tho fact that very few of our last
democratic administration got left.
Tenth We are so proud of the emlnontly re
spectable crowd, or, rather, group that joined ua
in tho support of Palmer and Buckner In 1896
that we hesltato to open our doors to the rabble,
but wo nan accommodate a few more than we
have and promise to give a cordial welcome to a
limited number of those who shrink from being
known as republicans, but desire tho government
administered according to maxim now popular
in the republican party, namely, equal rights to
all who have not enough influence to secure spo
cial privileges.
JJJ
Drawing tKe Fangs.
The Chicago Tribune draws a striking pic
ture of the evils of the anti-toxin tru&t, Tho
Tribune shows that the mortality among patleuta
treated with anti-toxin by the Chicago health de
partment is 6.44 per cent; that tho mortality
among patients who are not treatod with anti
toxin is about 35 per cent. The Trloune says,
"These are tho facts which lend terror to an in
dustrial, monopolistic conspiracy between com
mercialized manufacturers." Then the Tribune
says:
"Plow can tho fangs of this conspiracy be
drawn? Only by the Jocal production of anti
toxin under a non-commercial system. What
is needed for tho inauguration of such a sys
tem? Only the money for a laboratory and
for a horse pasture. The laboratory having
been built and tho horse pasture having been
opened, all running expenses could be met by
the sale of the product at cost.
"Can It be possible that this enterprise is
. too va3t for the citizens of Chicago?"
But Is there not another way of "drawing the
fangs of this conspiracy?" What about the law
providing for the prosecution and imprisonment
of those who thus conspire against the lives of
men, women and children?
Is it possible that the criminal indictment la
"too drastic a measure," as one 'epubllcan has
termed it, for the treatment of men, who out of
pure greed would make it well-nigh Impossible
for physicians to obtain a remedy for a dread
disease a remedy which, according to the Tri
bune's figures, reduces the mortality from 35 per
cent to C.44 per cent.
Tho Tribune tells us that the Massachusetts
state board of health manufactures at a cost of
20 cents a bottle antl-loxiu for which the trust
charges $1.33. The Tribune says that the differ
ence between 20 cents and $1.33 is all profit to the
trust, and declares that this profit is the product
of an Industrial conspiracy.
Is it possible that in the presence of such
evils as these the American people must remain
helpless, although there is upon our statute books
a law providing for the imprisonment of men who
engage in such conspiracy. It is clear that so
long as wo have men in authority who are either
unwilling or afraid to avail themselves of the
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