Tc " t r .V The Commoner. Volume 3; number (7, -!. lKi the Soward quotation employed by Mr. Roosevelt in his message to congress stands as a rebuke to the policy of the Roosevelt administration. In carrying out that policy, the Roosevelt admin istration is doing just what Mr. Seward said should not be done. It is embroiling this gov ernment in the revolution in Colombia; it is de priving this government of its perfect neutrality In connection with such domestic altercations; and it is supplying to the insurgents on the Isth mus the forco for their use and benefit in spite of the fact that Mr. Seward said that the United States could not comply with a requisition of that character. In the statement made by Attorney General Speed, and quoted by Mr. Roosevelt, it is said:.. "From this treaty, it cannot be supposed that New Granada Invited the United States to become a party to the intestine troubles of that govern ment nor would the United States become bound to take sides In the domestic broils of New Grana da. The United Stated did guarantee New Granada In the sovereignty and property in the territory., This was as against other and foreign govern ' xnents." How does that help Mr. Roosevelt? Under his administration, he has done just what Attorney General Speed said the United. States government should not do. We have be come a party to the intestine troubles of the Co lombian government, we have taken sides in the domestic broils of Colombia, and like the quota tion from Seward, the quotation from Speed Bcrves as a rebuke to Mr. Roosevelt's Panama policy. Mr. Roosevelt prints a list of "riots "out breaks," and "revolutions" which have occurred on the isthmus from May, 1850, to July, 1902. He lays great stress on the fact that on several oc casions sailors and marines from the United States warships were required to land in order to control the isthmus and he directs attention to the fact that on several occasions among them In 1885, the Colombian government asked that the United States government lend troops to pro tect its interests and maintain order on the isth mus. Mr. Roosovelt might have quoted from the president's message in December, 1885, in explan ation of the landing of troops on that occasion. In that message President Cleveland said: "Emergencies growing out of civil war in the United States of Colombia demanded of the government, at the beginning of this ad ministration, the employment-of armed forces to fulfill its .guarantiee under the thirty-fifth article of the treaty of 1846, in order to keep the transit open across the isthmus of Fana ma. Desirous of exorcising only tho powers expressly reserved to us by the treaty, and mindful of the rights of Colombia, the forces sent to the isjthmus were instructed to confine their action to 'positively and efficaciously preventing the transit and its accessories from being 'interrupted or embarrassed.' "The execution of this delicate and re sponsible task necessarily involved police con trol where the local authority was temporar- -ily powerless but always in aid of the sov ereignty oi! Colombia. "Tho prompt and successful fulfillment of its duty by this government was highly ap preciated by the government of Colombia, and has been followed by expressions of its satis faction. "High praise is due to the officers and men engaged, in this service. "The restoration of peace on the isthmus by tho re-establishment of the constituted government there being thus accomplished, the forces pf the United States were with drawn." It will be seen that on that occasion the United States government was "mindful of the rights of Colombia and that the forces sent to the isth mus were "instructed to confine their action to 'positively and efficaciously' preventing the tran nit and its"' accessories from being 'interrupted and embarrassed '! It was admitted that this task was a delicate one, and necessarily involved police control where tho local authority was temporarily powerless, but it was pointed out that that control was "always in aid of the -sovereignty of Colombia," and it is shown that when peace was restored on tho isth mus by "tho re-establishment of the constituted government," the forces of tho United States were withdrawn. How different from tho policy of Seward and of Speed and of every one of Mr. Roosevelt's pre decessors in tlie White house is the Panama pol icy of the Roosovelt administration. r From Polk, who, in transmitting that treaty to the senate, laid particular emphasis upon our guarantee of New Granada's -sovereignty, to Mc Kinley, who said that the United States govern ment has imposed for its own governance "tho further condition that recognition of independent statehood is not due to a revolted dependency un til all danger of its being again subjugated by the . parent state has entirely passed away" from Folk to McKinley, the Roosevelt Panama policy stands condemned. It is condemned as to the Indifference we have shown for our solemn guarantee to Co lombia of its rights of sovereignty and the un seemlng haste we made in recognizing a govern ment that sprang up in a night time and before that government was by any means organized; and before, also, the parent state had been given the slightest opportunity of exercising, the right to re-establish its authority. In defense of his fearfully and wonderfully ' made policy on the isthmus of. Panama, Mr. Roosevelt will do well to take a stand on the pro position that "the end justifies the means' He cannot justify that policy by reference to interna tional law, by the precedents set by our own gov ernment or by quotations from American states men. JJJ Piping Days of Prosperity. Remembering that in 1900 the republican lead ers, pleading with the workingmen to "let well enough alone," promised them "four years more of the full dinner pail," it is interesting to read the newspaper dispatches relating to labor diffi culties these days. Two issues of a certain metropolitan pajier will serve as examples. In one of these issues, the following head lines which are descriptive of the dispatches ap pear: t "SpeakPburning words in the frost-laden air; John Mitchell talks to strikers' mass meeting of 4,500 at Trinidad, Colo.; Tells them that miners union can never be driven from state; Sued for damages." "Will,, turn down Mitchell; Coal operators deT .' cide to make no settlement" 'lAfter Cripple Creek -men; Six are formally accused of grave offenses." v 'President Sterritt says strike bas no effect; Governor Peabody will not. permit workingmen, who are prisoners at Cripple Creek to be released by the civil courts." "Find a spy in, the camp; Miners' union man detected .in national guard." . "Puts 2,500 out of work at Bellair,e, O." In Kthe other issue of the newspaper referred to, the head-lines appear as follows: - , "Harvester trust company, discharges 7,500 , men; Reducing its force over one-third;' It ex pects to effect a saving of :15,000,00a a jyear by this move." , ..;..-". i "Reduction of miners'. ,wages; .Action of coal company in- the Myersdate, Pa.; region affecting 2,500 employes." , "Strikers, to be evicted at Salt "Lake; Troops said to have situation well in hand t . "Will submit to reduction of 10 per cent cut in wages affecting 17,0p0 cotton mill operatives.' "The strikers in the southern mines are-discouraged." - , "Pittsburg painters . vote to strike." "Morehead Bros, rolling mill at Sharpsburg will resume operations after shut-down of two weeks? Plant employs 700 men and they return to work at a reduction of 20 per cent" These are, indeed, piping days of prosperity. JJJ .As Others See Us. Some of our. friends across the border and across the seas are poking- fun at our boasted re publicanism; and they do not hesitate to 'niaUe n few savage thrusts along with their good-natured jibes. The Montreal Herald, referring to the Panama incident, says: "Every one gets something out of thjs j record-breaking republic-making. The United States gets the right ,to spend two hundred and fifty millions on finishing the digging of a canal, and tho ill will of Latin America. The republic of Panama gets a fee. of ten mil- lion dollars for the canal right of way, and recognition of ita political status. The republic ' of Colombia and the other South .American. countries get a lesson in Yankee . diplomatic methods. Europe will get the use of the canal and the benefit of the favor which the United States loses in South America." ' This is one of the penalties we must pay for departing frpm republican methods; and yet we do not doubt that many republican papers will say that the United States of America need not be in the leagt" doncernea as to these criticisms b even f.hfi rAniihlfnn orlffor. ,.j. . Ui- Ut thought realize that we have' Seepconcern our reputation abroad as well as at home fU the republican editor must, on reflection know In his heart of hearts that this great governl cannot afford to engage in policies which justify those -who never have been in sympathy with 17 publicanism to taunt us with being hypocrits ami to point to our methods as indicating the beeSI ning of the end of the republican form of Ibv, ernment. b Y ' " Incapable.' In one of his public statements, Mr. Roose velt recently said: "If I could be absolutely as sured of my election as president by turning my back on the principles of human liberty as enun ciated by Abraham Lincoln, I would be incapable of doing it, and unfit to bo president, if I could be capable of doing it." Mr. Roosevelt, as well as Mr. Roosevelt's par ty, has turned his back qn "the principles of hu man liberty as enunciated by Abraham Lincoln " Every student of events Toiows that in these days republican leaders are unable to quote from the writings and speeches of Lincoln in order to sustain the policies they are pursuing. Indeed, the-writings and speeches of Abraham Lincoln are filled with statements that serve so well as bitter condemnation of the republican poli cies of today that one not knowing they were the words of Lincoln, might be 'led to believe they were written by a man of the present time and written directly In criticism of present-day poli ciesi Is it not, then, utterly absurd" for Mr. Roose velt to say that he would be "incapable" of turn ing bis back, upon "the principles of human lib erty as enunciated by Abraham Lincoln?" If Mr. Roosevelt would agree to retire if it could be shown that according to his own state ment, he Is "unfit to be president," there wonld be little 'difficulty in convincing an unbiased jury tliat Mr. Roosevelt has done the very thing wnich he says would disqualify him if ho were "capable of doing it.". 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