The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, October 30, 1903, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

    iThe
Commoner
l.i.'l
I
WILLIAH J. BRYAN. EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
Vol. 3. No. 41.
Lincoln, Nebraska, October 30, io3
Whole N. 145
w SERVANTS OF THE TRUSTS .
In the November number of Frank Leslie's
Popular Monthly appears an article entitled "The
National Lobby at Washington," and written by
the editors. This article should be read by every
American citizen. Although to many it may seem
that the authors of this article have made start
ling revelations, with all the seriousness of the '
situation as they have described it, the half has
not been tolU.
In the beginning, the authors of "The Na
tional Lobby at Washington," explain that thero
exists "a profound impression that something I
wrong with the basic principles of our govern
ment as it has been administered for a decade."
This Impression, the authors attribute to "the
robbery of the treasury through bribery, black
mall and petty larceny in the postofllce depart
ment; the Illegal bsc-ptlon of public lands with
the suspected connivance of officials now removed
and ofjnembers of congress still in office; the
defalcations of the department of justice and in
the office of the commissioners of the District of
Columbia; the interest" of congressmen and" sena
,tors in glov.e and tombstone contracts."
It is pointed out, that as a matter of fact, the
congress of the United States is its own lobby;
that in nine cases out of ten the lobbyist sits in
the senate with his tate behind him or in the
house of representatives with his district and his
senator behind him; that in nine cases out often
the senatorial or representative lobbyist acts and
speaks for some great corporation which Is seek
ing some vast special privilege which is antag
onistic to public interests and to which it has no,
moral right. In the opinion of these authors the
great curse of national legislation is the cam
paign contribution. Upon the campaign contri
bution is placed che . "sponslbilityor the growth
of the new system whereby congress is its own
lobby. It is pointed out that in presidential or
congressional electiors the great corporations pick
the candidates ard tne party to whom they feel
they can look for fa-ors; then they contribute
enormous sums to carry the election.
"Frequently," say the authors, "a definite bar
gain is made with the national committee that
something shall be done or another one not done.
It is a cold matter, of business. Commercial
Acumen, which y.as built up vast fortunes in a
generation or two like those of the Standard Oil
crowd or of Carnegie's coterie of young men, can
usually pick a winner or make a winner In a na
tional campaign. It did so in 1888, when it turned
its back on Cleveland and contributed to the Har
rison fund for M. S. Quay to sperid. Again it did
so in 1892, when it switched from Harrison back to
Cleveland and gave the millions to William C.
Whitney and Don M. Dickinson with which they
swept the country. It couhi not choose in 1896
and- in 1900 because William J. Bryan was run
ning for president on a platform which made the
corporations quake, so Commercial Acumen emp
tied a sum equal to a king's ransom at the feet
of Marcus A. Hanna at the behest of such men as
Cornelius N. Bliss, Senator 'Aldrlch, Senator Al
lison, and Senator Quay." And it is explained by
the authors that "the great interests which con
tributed In these four campaigns got what they
paid for."
Ah interesting feature of "The National Lob
by at Washington" relates to the part played by a
number of conspicuous senators. Senator Nelson
W. AJdrhjh of Rhode Island Is credited with being
the most Important man in the senate. It Is said
that Senator Aldrlch represents more great In
terests than any other man In congress, being the
representative of the Rockefellers, the Morgans,
the James J. Hills, the E. H, Harrimans, the W.
K. Vanderbilts, the Schwabs, the Ct.rnegies, the
Armours, the Swifts, and the Cramps. It Is ad
mitted that the list of interests that Senator Aid
rich serves with his voice and his influence Is
too long to print in an article of limited scope.
It is, however, pointed out that Senator Aldrlch
represents the Standard Oil company. It is ex
plained that the term "Standard Oil company" as
here "used describes all the enterprises in which
iJofi'fl&Dackefellei has united the-greatest ag
gregation of capital in the world. It Is shown
that in the proposed currency legislation Senator
Aldrlch represents the Standard Oil group and
the J. Pierpont Morgan group, and that as the ser
vant of these- interests when congress meets he
will be found pressing a bill to permit the tem
porary inflation of the currency so it may meet
the demand which may be made upon it every
time the speculators In Wall street expand prices.
Mr. Aldrlch is further referred to as the ser
vant of the sugar trust, of the steel trust, of the
beef trust and of the anthracite coal trust. Next
to Senator Aldrlch in point of influence as the
friend of great combinations of capital is Senator
Hanna, according to the authors of "The Na
tional Lobby at Washington." It is said that
in the capacity of chairman of the republican na
tional committee Mr. Hanna "collected in 1896
for the election of McKinloy the largest campaign
fund ever spent in the United States. Again in
1900, he collected an enormous sum. 'late money
came mostly from the. trusts, the great financial
Institutions and protected manufacturers. With
these contributions cc ae responsibilities for Sen
ator Hanna. Not one of the men who gave their
money gave It solely to ensure their property
against the laws which they feared If Bryan were
elected. They all demanded something more.
First of all, they wanted a high protective tariff
and this they got in the DIngley bill. Rockefeller,
Morgan, Hill, Harriman, all wanted to be let
alone and permitted to go on with their trust
building. Griscom wanted a ship subsidy. The
Idea which capital detested "ibove all things was
that which looked to the broadening of the Sher
man anti-trust law. Senator Hanna took emphatic
ground that there should be no more anti-trust
legislation. la this position he had the hearty
support of the old guard In the senate, consisting
of Aldrlch, Spooner of Wisconsin, Quay of Penn
sylvania, Allison of Iowa, Elkins of West Vir
ginia, Foraker of Ohio, and Fairbanks of Indiana.
All of these men can be classed as defenders of
trusts and when they unlto, they can dominate
tho senate."
Accompanying this interesting articlo aro sev
eral pictures of senators and abovo each picture
is a -brief and Interesting description of the man.
For instance, over Senator Aldrlch's picture that
gentleman is described as "tho most potent In
fluence In the senate and tho primo mover in leg
islation favorable to corporations."
Senator Quay is described as "leader in the
fight against restricted immigration on behalf of
the foreign steamship lines."
Senator Ellens is introduced as tho gentle
man "who promoted tho agreement between the
sugar trust and Senator Gorman who later be
came leader of tho beet sugar lobby."
Senator Millard is referred to as "the strong
friend of tho ueot sugar trust and also a main
stay of the Union Pacific railroad."
Senator Dietrich Is called "one of tho fore
most upholders of beet sugar and protector of
the present usurpation of public lands."
""Congreatsman Babcock is referred to as "the
spokesman for the brewing interests."
Of Congressman Wadsworth, it Is said: "Sent
to congress from an agricultural district, but tho
chief representative of tho oleomargarine indus
try." Senator Burrows is referred to as "one of tho
leaders of the beet sugar lobby and violently op
posed to reciprocity with Cuba."
It Is explained that "most of the senators who
are engaged In shielding tho trusts and corpora
tions that have so long do . 'natcd congress were
above the suspicion that they do it for pay; that
most of them co millionaires in their own right;
that while they aro actually tho servants of tho
trusts, they are parts of the trusts."
There aro many people to whom the state
ments of tho authors of "The National Lobby at
Washington," aro not revelations and yet It may
not be doubted that 'here are thousands of others,
particularly among the rank and file of tho re
publican party, who really imagine that the Ald
rlches, the Hannas and tho Burrows aro states
men who are greatly concerned for the public
welfare. To those whe nve been really Ignorant
on this subject, so wivcJo in Leslie's Monthly
will provide foo for erjous thought
Can tho Amejican ople expect honest rep
resentation at tho 1 ands of their public officials
when the trusts are permitted to choose those
officials?
Is it not humiliating to the American citizen
when he Is told that tbvs men who are presumed
to represent public Interecis aro, in fact, the repre
sentatives of special interests?
JJJ
Returning to Scarecrows.
Mr. Hanna must be quite badly scared him
self, or else he Is pretending to be scared, for be
is - warning his constituents that if ho isn't
elected there is g.ng to ho a terrible industrial
panic. He Is quottd as Maying that he "earnestly
believes" that "if this frtate goes democratic, or
tiutfdMfcJk