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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 23, 1903)
B5SSBmSBA'iiijip v mw ' illi iWj1 WMi MM JWiM. ggSgSrT r-iw ' mrimTf&- I I 4 . ..J , ..,,,,- turer and tlio middle 'man, provided always that each is rendering actual service and performing for society a real and necessary work. ;" - The man who overreaches his neighbor or who by craft or cunning accumulates mqnoy dishon estly, must not bo permitted to throw upon hon- ? est wealth the odium which his dishonesty has brought upon his particular accumulation. There is a feoling in this country that the great for tunes which are made by watering stock, by run ning corners, by conducting private monopolies and by bankrupting corporations merely to glvo those who are manipulating the markets a chance to buy tho stock at a low price, are illegitimate, arid that tho methods employed are as offensive to good morals as thoy are dangerous to the govern ment; While this hostility may sometimes mani fest itself in individual acts of violence, public attention must not be entirely diyerted from tho wrong-doing of the victims of violence. Every good and patriotic. citizen will condemn and. help to punish all acts of lawlessness and violence, .but . patriotic citizens must also be interested in pre venting those larger acts of lawlessness t which in cite desperate men to violence. To apply remedial and restraining legislation to tiose who are ac quiring money dishonestly it is not necessary to either, excuse or defend those who, despairing of . legal remedies, take the law into their own hands. A man who hag been driven into bankruptcy by a trust or who has suffered great pecuniary loss by the manipulations , of speculators, is not in a frame of mind to be lectured on contentment and respect for wealth accumulated by wrong-doing. Those who are interested in the preservation of liberty and in tho supremacy of the lawmust de vote themselves to' the elimination ofVthe causes of ill-feeling it is not- sufficient that they devote ' theniselves mer'eiy to" the suppression 'of manlfes- , tations of discontent. . f. The second, mqans 1y which we'alth can be honestly acquired is by gift The right of a parent to give money or property to his child Is everywhere recognized, and the right of a friend to give to a friend Is also admitted. The right of the parent to accumulate for the child fur nishes a stimulus that Is probably equal, if not , superior, to any other incentive to earnest and constant endeavor; The receipt of money, how ever, from parent or relative to friends not only Implies that the recipient has in some way earned the money, but also imposes upon the recipient a responsibility for the proper use "of tho money. Society has always recognized, and often exer cised, Its right to discriminata against inherit ' ances. At the present time states like New York and Connecticut have an Inheritance tax, and tho manner in which the tax is graded shows that the people, speaking through the legislatures, have the power to discriminate between beneficiaries. For instance, in the state of New York property ' received by a child from a parent, by a parent from a child, or by husband or wife from the other, pays a tax of 1 por cent, while property willed, or descending by law, to other relatives or non-relatives, or to organizations of any kind, pays a tax of 5 per cent. In Connecticut the same distinction Js observed, but tho rates are half of 1 and 3 per cent Not only must health be legitimately acquired, but it must bo rightly employed, although there Is probably less disposition -to criticise the im proper use of honestly acquired wealth than there is to criticise the employment of improper meth- - ods in the accumulation of wealth. But even honestly acquired wealth can be so used as to excite just criticism. For instance, if a person, having wealth, is lavish in the expenditure of money for his own enjoyment and disregards the claims of worthy enterprises and tho needy he can properly be charged with being selfish and self- . ? centered. If he spends his money in high living he not only excites criticism from without,. but he arrays himself against himself, for his health The Commoner. will soon bo impaired by his excesses. If heyuses his wealth to gratify his vanity; if he flaunts his wealth in the faco of those who have to struggle for bare existence, ho can fairly be accused of being inconsiderate and lacking in sympathy. It is possible for one to acquire wealth hon estly and it is also possible for ono to so employ his wealth as to satisfy even the most exacting public opinion, and that, too, with advantage to himself There is no more reason why a rich man should have public or personal enemies than there Is for a poor man to have enemies. Goldsmith, in "The Deserted Village," points out one source of hostility to the rich. Ho shows how land that ought to have been employed for . the sustenance of the people Was converted into hunting preserves and play-grounds for the rich, and he sums up the evil of the system in the following strong lines: "Ye friends to tr.uth, ye statesmen who survey The rich man's joys increase, the poor's decay, 'Tis yours to judge how wide the limits stand Betwixt a splendid and a happy land." . There is no place in this country for tho idle rich, if by that term we mean people who, hav ing acquired money, have np other purpose than to secure all the selfish enjoyment they can out of the use of their money. But there is not only a place, but a crying demand in this country for those who, having acquired enough to relieve themselves from want, will devote themselves to public affairs and to works of charity and ben evolence. Our cities Would te better governed if in every city we had a group of men who, after securing a reasonable competency, would cease from money-making and devote themselves to public affairs. It would not be necessary 'for all of them to hold office. They could contribute their heads and their hearts to their country's service in many ways. Thoy could study public questions and throw their 'influence upon the side of .good government; they could investigate all improve ments in tho administration of government, and give to the public through addresses and in other ways the benefit of their investigations. The man who cares for no one but himself, who spends all his money on himself, and puts in all his time pleasing himself, nust expect to bo lonesome in any country where there is a healthy public sen timent, but the man who is anxious to contribute a dollar's worth of service to society in return for every dollar that he draws from it the man who uses his money to better equip himself for service and who, when he is free from the neces sity of accumulating, devotes his time to work that Is beneficial to his fellows, such a man will find in America a congenial home, and a wide field for the employment of his energies. And, surely, if the experience of the race counts for anything there is more happiness to be secured by helpful service than by the greedy and grasp ing policy of those who live solely for themselves and then abuse all who condemn selfishness ,and indifference 'to the public weal. Another Argument Gone. "I can stand it as long as I can get a good price for hogs," said a republican farmer in 1900 to a democrat "v?ho had pointed out the dangers of imperialism, tho trusts and republican financier ing; and this argument has been the main reli- ance of republican speakers. Instead of attempt- ing to defend the policies of their party, republican orators and editors have seized upon every tran sient circumstance that could be turned to their party's advantage, regardless of its cause. When in 1897 wheat went to a dollar because of a short crop abroad, tho republican leaders claimed credit for it; when the price of cattle wont up they be came cowboys and rode bronchos, and when pork ers went up they took off their hats to every pass ing hog. But when wheat dropped, thoy dropped wheat; when cattle fell in price, they forgot ho'w a steer looked, and now that hogs are "off" they -A- y. VOLUME 3, NUMBER (, will no longer imitate the grunt and squeal n,. following dispatch, which appeared in tho Chi cago Tribune, tells the story and ought to be In teresting to those whose political opinions chanea ivith the market quotations: "Lincoln, Neb., Oct 11. (Special.)-Bv reason of the slump in the price of bora in . . the last week, Nebraska farmers stand X lose $3,000,000 to ?5,000,Q00. They figure their ' losses already at $3,000,000, and if the pricea " continue to recede, as they believe they cer- tainly will, $2,000,000 more can bo checked to the -wrong side. According to reliable and conservative figures there are 3,000,000 market- able hogs in the state. Farmers have been fattening their swine on 30-cent corn, and tho decline means that some hogs must be sold r at an actual loss. The farmers are indignant and charge thq packers with causing tho ,. , slump, at the same time keeping up the prices of the product In Lincoln the price of pork at the butcher snops has not' changed from r a week ago." JJJ The Missouri Situation. It seems that the democratic nomination for governor in Missouri has narrowed down to Reed and Folk, or Folk and Reed, whichever way tho Teader of Tho Commoner-may desire to describe it. Editorials and paragraphs which have ap peared in The Commoner have been quoted in sup port of each candidate, and sometimes an effort has been made to' show that The .Commoner, or its editor, favored the nomination of one or tho -other of these candidates. Notices have appeared in this paper compli mentary to both, candidates. Mr. Folk's work id the prosecution of boodlers hadJbeen referred to, .and commented upon, andMr. JEtoed's speech at the Nebraska state convention was complimented and quoted, from. Nothing, however, has been said or done, by The -Commoner. to indicate a preference for either one or to influence the judg ment of the democrat of the state of Missouri. Mr. Bryan has studiously avoided taking part in local contests, where, as in this case, both tho candidates are supporters of the Kansas City platform. The democrats of Missouri are the ones most interested1 in the result of this con test, and they are also the ones best fitted to make the selection of the candidate. The Com iinoner, however, submits a word of caution. Each candidate should run upon his own merits, not upon the demerits of ills opponent, and it is a great mistake for the friends of any candidate to attack the other in the hope of making political capital for his own choice. The campaign ought to, be conducted on a high plane, and in such a way that the successful aspirant in the convention can have the thearty support of all the candidates at the polls. Where men differ in the principles thoy advocate It is not onjy tfatural, but right, that the principles advocated should be the sub ject of discussion and criticism, but where men represent the same principles bitter personalities are entirely out of place, and those who are wise will avoid them. It is some time before the con vention and those who have the interest of their party at heart, however wedded to any particular man, ought to insist upon fair play between all who aspire. to the place. "Non-Partisan" Republicans. An "associatibn known as tho Institute of So cial Economics is sending out circulars and repre senting itself as "a permanent non-partisan in stitution for the education of the people along tho lines conducive to public welfare," and it s- " sorts that it is "indorsed by leading statesmen, educators, business men and philanthropists, the board of counsellors are Senator Hanna, Sena tor Lodge, Senator Depew, ox-Secretary Bliss, ex Vice President Morton, ex-Secretary Gage, ex Secretary Long, ex-Bank President Hendricks, ex- Secretary Smith, and Senator Burrows. Two o three college presidents are thrown in, but n y