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tho pledge of miscellaneousecurltfeft, ...
"This scheme in its entirety has npt yet
assumed a tangible form. It would be too
much of a shock to tho country if such a
drastic proposition should bo submitted . jjt
this time. 'iho Aldrlch bill is tho ilrst step
in that direction, and tho claims advanced for
it are plausible and attractive.
"It is asserted with some truth that tho
balances accumulating in -the treasury are a
menace, to business; that the money should
be utilized, and without any interference lor
tho present with the sub-treasury system it
Is proposed in this bill to deposit the public
funds in designated banks, and that, instead
of tho exclusive security of government bonds,
heretofore required, other miscellaneous se
curities may bo accepted.
"Tho question of how to get rid of a sur
plus in tho treasury is ono which has dis
turbed financiers for years. The best policy
is to avoid making a surplus by -lightening
the taxation which- causes it. But when a
surplus does occur there are two methods now
presented for disposing of it, both eminently
proper and authorized by law. One is to pur
chase government securities in .the market,
thereby reducing tho public debt;. tho other
is to deposit tho funds in banks upon tho
security of government bonds. These methods
have heretofore boon employed with excellent. -success,
and they may bo depended upon for
tho future.
' "The exclusive use given to government
bonds for circulation and deposits has raised
the public credit" to the highest possible
notch. It Is now deliberately proposed to
change this and withdraw tho vital aid thus
given to tho public credit, for the benefit sole
ly of tho private ownersof a fictitious capi
tal." Mr. Yates concluded that "the Fowler bill will
remove tho monopoly givon United States bonds
for circulating and tho Aldrich bill will remote
thai for deposits. The effect of this agitation upon
tho price of government bonds Is already appar
ent, and it requires no prophet to foretell the
low figures they will reach if these bills be
come law."
iM ,j Compromise on What?
One of the democratic newspapers that has .
never tvave'red in Its democracy before surprises
its friends by the following:
"The way to succeed is by union, Union
must' be upon the platform that ia more or
less of a compromise. Wo cannot all get
What we want, oven in political platforms. It ,
Is sound policy to tako what we can 'get and
then try next time for more.
"The compromise platform upon which
tho democrats can win next year will be a
democratic platform. It must not be written
by tho disorganized or the malcontents. It
must represent the true spirit of democracy?
unaffected by the plutocratic thiovps mas
querading as tho business interests. ,It should
bo a platform of opposition opposition to tho
spectacular methods and dangerous policies o "
the present whlted-aepulchre administration at -Washington.
, -
"Upon Buch a platform, with a democratic -candidate,
the democratic hosts can oyer- '
whelm tho rough rider in the midst'6f the'
political sea." - y
It' should have been more specific. It should
have pointed out the issues upon which com
promise may be made. If something must bo
yielded by those who remained true to tho party
and its platforms, it should not hesitate to point
out the things which may be yielded. Shall we
compromise upon the issue of imperialism, and
thus acquiesce in the doctrine that a republic
may exist half citizen 'and half subject? Shall we
compromise on the question of government by in
junction and acquiesce in the doctrine that under
some circumstances federal judges may rise su
perior to legislative enactment and become at
once lawmakers, judges and executives? Shall wo
compromise on tho money question and give con
sent, either openly- or tacitly, to tho theory that
the-money issuing function of the goverrnientmay
under: certain conditions bo delegated y -to banks
und' rings ana -cliques?" Shall we comprdmise on
the tariff question afcd declare that whlletopposed
to the protective tariff system as a whole we
The Commoner.
submit to it on the ground that opposition . o' it
will result in alienating tho support of some
democrats whoso loyalty to tariff protected cor
porations is stronger than their loyalty to dem
ocratic principles? Shall we compromise by pro
mulgating a real democratic platform and- then
nominating candidates whoso whole political ex- -istenco
demonstrates that they will not carry oUt
the, pledges of the platform? Shall we com
promise by nominating loyal democrats on a com
promise platform that is constructed for tho pur
pose of deceiving uonest voters and currying
favor with Selfish interests? Shall we com
promise on the trust question by advancing the
undemocratic principle that some trusts may be
good and therefore entitled to protection in their
plans for' looting the people? Shall we com
promise on the question of iopular election of
senators by announcing that until trust-controlled
senators are willing to tako their chances before
the whole body of vbters we will not further agi
tate that matter? Shall we compromise on the
asset curren y question by announcing ourselves
in favor of some system that will permit tho
financiers to expand or contract the currency as
best suits their selfish interests? Shall we -compromise
on the canal question by withdrawing
support from the measure? Shall wo compromise
on the question of extravagant waste of the
people's money by declaring that it ,is all right
to spend it extravagantly?
The papers that favor compromise should not
hesitate to specify the issues upon which they
are willing to compromise. It is easy to deal in
glittering generalities, but generalities do not,
throw light on the matter. If any paper can show
wherein compromise may be effected without de
sertion of' democratic principles it should make
haste to do so.
JJJ
'The Cradle Song of Liberty.1 '
When Colonel "Lafe" "Young, editor of the
Des Moines (la.) Capital, takes his pen in hand
and determines to say something worthy of preser
vation, he generally succeeds. Recently Colonel
Young wrote an interesting article in which -he
asserted that he is "not in the least disturbed by
doleful notes of propheoy" with respect to our institutions-
Ho declared that though we of today
are "far removed from the stirring scenes which
marked the birth of the republic, the principles
then proclaimed - are as dear to the American
heart as when first embodied in the text of the im
mortal Declaration of Independence: -
Then Colonel Young wrote:
"When the fathers of the revolution set
the rock of independence, cemented it with '
,, tho .blood -which was shed at Lexington and
Bunker, Hill,, and lighted thereon the torch of ,
human liberty, 'they started a blaze that was
' ae'stlhed to keep burning while the world
stands.
"There are still tyrants in the world- ;
there are still slaves in th world; but in the
t light, of the Eeclaration of American Inde--pendence
the battles of human freedom will '
continue to be fought until the last shackle
physical, mental, and moral has been severed.
"Therefore, may we say, in the words of
another: 'Refined gold needs no gilding.
Tho story of the revolution is the cradle song
of liberty, and like the cradle song of our
mothers, it will always bo sweat to the ears of -true
American citizens. Today we may sol
, emnly swear by the hallowed tomb of Wash
ington, by the sacred ashes of Jeff erf on, by the
, ' cherished memory of immortal patriots and
by the precious blood of our fallen heroes,
that the republic founded by the fathers can ,
t .. be. maintained by the sons.'" .
- iBoautifully written, indeed; and yet ono is
prompted to ask if the principles of the fathers
are so dear to us as Colonel Young would" have
one- believe, how- does it happen that in our at-
titude toward the people of "ournew posses
sions" we are persistently violating Hhose prin
ciples'? - .!i' : ; ?!;.
If, when the. fathers lighted the torch' of hu-
" . .VOLUME 3, NUMBER K
man liberty' "ffley started1 '4 ' W&ihat V .i
tiiM toj keep burning while' the world stands '
how does it happen that the people of the Phil,
ipp'ines, 'siruggtfng for the same rights for which
our forefathers fought, and for which many 0f
them died, are not permitted to read their title
clear, in tho light of that "blaze," to a govern
ment deriving its powers from the consent of the
governed?
When Colonel Young says that "in the light
of 'the Declaration of American .Independence tho
battles of human freedom will continue to bo
fought until the last shackle, physical, mental, and
moral, has been severed' have we not the rignt
to croct that he will raise hi3 voice in protest
against the government of forco which we have
established in tho Philippine .islands?
When Colonel Young rqminds us that "Tho
story .of the revolution' is t'-'e cradh? song of lib
erty, .and nke the cradle song of.oui;. mothers, it
will always be sweet to the ears of true American
citizens," with what reason will he say .that that
"cradle song of liberty" shall not, serve to, inspire
.the men of other lands to the lofty ambitipns en-,
tertained by the American colonists?
JJJ
Combining Against Consumers.
Below will be found an extract, from the edi
torial page of the Chicago Tribune;. .,
"Contractors or manufacturers who de
sire large profits and labor unions whoso
members want big wages hay.e sometimes com
bined against the consumer in" order to get
more money out of him. It lias1 seemed to
them in their simplicity that the consumer
was helpless. It never occurred to them that
he might defend Mmself by refusing to buy
goods or services. Nor did it occur to them
.that the combine which 'had' the first chance
at the consumer might tako 411 his spare cash
and leave nothing for the. second combine.
, "The window, g;lass rnanufaeturers made
' an agreement which seemed' flawjess tc them
with the organized labor in' tVeir "employ.
Wages were- raised 10 per- cent- and iirlces
were advanced sufficiently t to cover the in
crease and add a little to tho profits of the
manufacturers. All that Was necessary for
the perfect working out of tho program was
for consumers to continue buying glass in
- usual quantities. This tlmy refused to do, and
a scientific program of plunder has gone to
smash. The manufacturers have a good deal
of glass on hand which nobody 'will buy'
The incident contains .a moral which ought
to be easily understood. If the trusts enter into
agreements- with their employes 'forlhe curtail
ment of products and the increase In price they
are likely to reach a ppint whore "the .buying
will fall off, .and then both the' employers and
employes will suffer. No one can enumerate in
advance the evils of a priv'te monopoly they
are- constantly manifesting themselves',, and will
continually manifest themselves .until -the people
r.ecognizo that a private mbnopoly W "indefensi
ble and intolerable." ' '"'"' - 1f?
SJJ
No Invention Just Truth.'
it
A Nebraska republican organ.i shrieks' in
flouble-leaded type that "the silver -dollar is
now the equivalent of the gold dollar.- Quite
true. And it is equally true thatthe only
time the silver dollar was not the equivalent
of the gold dollar was whep .Yhe silver dollar
was worth the most Bryan's Commoner.,
But how was it silver held its' exchange
able value when tho gold" dollar was. worth
the mosttwo to one, as Mr. Bryan lised to
say? How is it the silver dollar hold's its
exchangeable' value equal with' the goa dol
lar now? 'Of' course the 'reason Is ' that' Mr.
Bryan has Mt been permitted fto 'ha'ye,,'hls
way. But, what invention' ha ' The doni
morter to foff0r?-Sioux CityJplirnah ' ,;
No invention what6ver-simply tho plahr .truth
of history. ' The" silver dollar h not" 'worth' -WO
cents because of any republican' legislfitiQnr'ather
in spite of -juyiocus by ho
government ftmrovepue duties, fcaiv be used' to pay
interest -on thcu public; debfiJ s melj "jrsi private
debts, and is receivable for all taxes. -It is raoner
i's
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