"wvsr-TP- -rni-
The Commoner.
Twijll ;'
WILLIAA J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
Vol. 3. No. 34. Lincoln, Nebraska, September 11, 1903. Whole No. 138.
'
THE RACE PROBLEM 1 S IZSSZSZ
In a recent Issue of The Commoner there ap
peared an editorial entitled "The Race Problem,"
In which a contrast was drawn between the action
of the republican party in the Philippine Islands
and the action of some of the democratic states of
the south. The Inter-Ocean criticises some of the
statements made and calls upon Mr. Bryan to tell
the truth about the matter. In order that the
Inter-Ocean's criticism may bo understood, the en
tire editorial is reproduced:
In The Commoner W. J. Bryan writes on
"The Race ProDlem," and commends the
president's recent letter to Governor Durbin
against lynching. He gives, also, some very
sensible advice to white and black men as to
their relations.
But Mr. Bryan could not, of course, treat
such a subject without defending his party in
the south and without some reference to col
onial conditions. He says:
"The suffrage amendments in the south,
so much complained of by republican politic
ians, are not nearly bo severe as the republi
can colonial policy in the Philippines
"1. In every southern state some of the
negroes can vote now, and all others can
qualify themselves for tl - suffrage. In the.
Philippines the inhabitants are. -permanently,
dtammlified.
"2. The negToes in the south, even when
they cannot vote, have the protection of fed
eral and state constitutions. The Filipino
has no constitutional protection.
"3. The negroes in the south live un
der the laws that the white man makes for
himself. The Filipino lives under laws that
we make for him and would not live under
ourselves."
Here are three positive statements about
the condition of the Philippines, every one of
which is an absolute falsehood. What Ib the
truth?
1. No law "permanently disqualifies" Fili
pinos for the suffrage. They vote in local
affairs now. They will soon vote for .an in
sular legislature. As to voting for congress
men and president, they are in exactly the
same condition as the residents of the Dis
trict of Columbia. The latter are not even
permitted to vote in local affairs. Are they x
therefore slaves?
2. The Filipino has ( every constitutional
protection that Mr. Bryan himself has every
perponal and civil right He has not certain
political privileges, but hr is no more de
prived of hope of them than are the people
of Alaska.
3. Filipinos and whito men in the Phil
ippines live under exactly the same laws.
Filipinos are helping now to make these laws.
They will soon help still more. Perhaps Mr.
Bryan would not live under these laws, but
white men are living under them and are not
complaining of them more than they com
plain everywhere.
Of the justice apd expediency In theory
of the suffrage laws of the south nothing need
be said here, though a great deal might be
said of the unfairness of their application in
practice. It Is enough to say that the laws
which have" to be defendc 1 by manifest lies,
such as Mr. Bryan puts forth In defence of his
party's suffrage legislation in the south, must
be suspected .to be neither expedient nor just
If Mr. Bryan's party has a good defense
for its southern suffrage legislation, why
should its advocate defend it with falsehoods?
"Why not tell the truth?
The editor! J9f The Commoner reiterates the
three propositions and unqualifiedly assorts the
truth of each. The colonial system permanently
disqualifies the subjects living thereunder. No
matter what local self-government may bo per
mitted, the subject in a colony has no part In
the government of the country of which ho Is a
subject The Filipino today has nothing what
ever to say in regard to the policy of the United
States or in regard to the appointment of the
executive authority in the Philippines. Even if
hereafter tho Filipino Is given a voice in the
selection of a local legislature, tho fact that ho
will have nothing to say in regard to tho selection
of the executive who enforces tho laws, (and in
a colonial system has an absolute veto), is com
plete and conclusive proof that ho is disqualified
for suffrage In tho sense in which tho term is
used in this country. In every state of tho south
there are negroes who vote for state officers and
for national officers, and havo every political right
that a white man has. No Filipino today, no mat
ter how intelligent ho may be or how much prop
erty he may have, is able to enjoy tho suffrage
privileges that are enjoyed now by those negroes
"in-the-souili-aJSable to .cpmour. jp the
qualifications for suffrage there. The Inter-Ocean
must admit, thon, that its criticism of the first
proposition is unfounded and that tho republican
party is doing much worse in the Philippines than
the democratic party has done in tho south.
As to the second proposition, tho Inter-Ocean
says that "the Filipino has every constitutional
protection that Mr. Bryan himself has-every per
sbnal and civil right" That is palpably false.
The constitution does not apply in the Philip
pine islands. Congress can extend to the Fili
pinos such privileges as congress wishes, but these
are not guaranteed by the constitution; they are
simply conferred by congress and can be taken
away by congress. If the editor of the Inter
Ocean will read the latest Philippine legislation,
he will find that there are many rights guaranteed
to tho citizens of the United States that are" not.
guaranteed to the Filipinos. For instance, the
right to trial by jury, which is one of the most
sacfed rights that there is. Neither is the right
to free speech guaranteed there as here, and an
editor, although an American, has already been
deported for criticising public officials. The demo
cratic party insists that the constitution follows
the flag. The republican party takes the position
that the constitution does not follow the flag, and
two decisions of the supremo court, "each ren
dered by a majority of one," support the republi
can position. On the second proposition, there
fore the Inter-Ocean must admit that The Com
moner is right and the Inter-Ocean is wrong.
Now as to the third proposition, the Inter
Ocean says that "Filipinos and white men in the
Philippines live under exactly the same laws.
This is dodging the question. It is a coward y
evasion of the proposition. The white people
who live in the Philippine islands have no part
'in the maklng.of the laws of the Philippine isl
ands Those laws are made by the people of this
'country, and the few white people who live in
tho Philippine Islands are tbcro not as permanent
residents, but moroly as visitors and tomporary
sojourners. Tho United States congress exorcises
supreme power over tho Filipinos and over the
white pcoplo who go there to trado and traffic.
Tho laws for tho Filipinos would not bo permitted
in this country, and tho editor of tho Inter-Ocean
knows It; and ho also knows that they would
not be made by tho Filipinos If thoy had a voice
in tho making of them. Tho distinction pointed
out by tho editor of Tho Commoner is on of very
great importanco. It Is tho very essenco of Im
perialism when you como to consider
tho probablo offect of tho laws. Tho
interest that tho white pcoplo of tho south
havo In tho making f the laws under which thoy
themselves live is a protection to the black man
where tho black man does not vote a protection
tho value of which cannot bo overestimated. This
protection Is entirely withdrawn with the people
of this country making laws relating to tho Fili
pinos while they themselves are exempt from the
operation of tho laws. It Is fortunate 'that the
Inter-Ocean ventured upon tho criticism above re
ferred to, because it calls tho attention of 1U
readers to ttie'principafpblFInhircblonlal ques
tion, and tho editor of Tho Commoner takes pleas
ure in pointing out tho gross and Inexcusable er
ror Into which tho editor of the Inter-Ocean has
fallen.
Tho Inter-Ocean also refers to the District
of Columbia and says that "as to voting for con
gressmen and president, the people of the Philip
pines are In exactly tho same condition as the
residents of the District of Columbia;" and adds:
"The latter are not even permitted to vote in lo
cal affairs." It is an unfortunate reference for the
Inter-Ocean, because the right to vote was taken
away from the people of the District of Columbia
by tho republican party and taken away solely
for tho reason that there were so many colored
people in the District that even white republicans
preferred to rely upon congress rather than a
local legislature. The case, however, is not at all
analog us with the situation in tho Philippine isl
ands. The residents of the District of Columbia
are largely temporary residents, and many of
them still hold their citizenship in their states and
go home to vote. Then, too, the sessions of con
gress are held in the District, and the members
of congress are in close and constant touch with
the peurle, and as the population of Washington Is
largely made up of people who hold official posi
tion and receive their appointment from tho fed
eral authority, there can be no similarity between
their condition and the condition of the Filipinos
ten thousand miles away, who must depend upon
an American congress for everything in the form
of legislation.
Neither is It fair to compare the condition of
a territory like Alaska or Oklahoma with the
condition in the Philippines, for the territorial
state under our republican form of government
Is a temporary state. It lasts only while the
people are preparing themselves for citizenship.
If wrongs are endured, they are only for a sea
son, and ihe people look forward with patience
