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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 11, 1903)
"wvsr-TP- -rni- The Commoner. Twijll ;' WILLIAA J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. Vol. 3. No. 34. Lincoln, Nebraska, September 11, 1903. Whole No. 138. ' THE RACE PROBLEM 1 S IZSSZSZ In a recent Issue of The Commoner there ap peared an editorial entitled "The Race Problem," In which a contrast was drawn between the action of the republican party in the Philippine Islands and the action of some of the democratic states of the south. The Inter-Ocean criticises some of the statements made and calls upon Mr. Bryan to tell the truth about the matter. In order that the Inter-Ocean's criticism may bo understood, the en tire editorial is reproduced: In The Commoner W. J. Bryan writes on "The Race ProDlem," and commends the president's recent letter to Governor Durbin against lynching. He gives, also, some very sensible advice to white and black men as to their relations. But Mr. Bryan could not, of course, treat such a subject without defending his party in the south and without some reference to col onial conditions. He says: "The suffrage amendments in the south, so much complained of by republican politic ians, are not nearly bo severe as the republi can colonial policy in the Philippines "1. In every southern state some of the negroes can vote now, and all others can qualify themselves for tl - suffrage. In the. Philippines the inhabitants are. -permanently, dtammlified. "2. The negToes in the south, even when they cannot vote, have the protection of fed eral and state constitutions. The Filipino has no constitutional protection. "3. The negroes in the south live un der the laws that the white man makes for himself. The Filipino lives under laws that we make for him and would not live under ourselves." Here are three positive statements about the condition of the Philippines, every one of which is an absolute falsehood. What Ib the truth? 1. No law "permanently disqualifies" Fili pinos for the suffrage. They vote in local affairs now. They will soon vote for .an in sular legislature. As to voting for congress men and president, they are in exactly the same condition as the residents of the Dis trict of Columbia. The latter are not even permitted to vote in local affairs. Are they x therefore slaves? 2. The Filipino has ( every constitutional protection that Mr. Bryan himself has every perponal and civil right He has not certain political privileges, but hr is no more de prived of hope of them than are the people of Alaska. 3. Filipinos and whito men in the Phil ippines live under exactly the same laws. Filipinos are helping now to make these laws. They will soon help still more. Perhaps Mr. Bryan would not live under these laws, but white men are living under them and are not complaining of them more than they com plain everywhere. Of the justice apd expediency In theory of the suffrage laws of the south nothing need be said here, though a great deal might be said of the unfairness of their application in practice. It Is enough to say that the laws which have" to be defendc 1 by manifest lies, such as Mr. Bryan puts forth In defence of his party's suffrage legislation in the south, must be suspected .to be neither expedient nor just If Mr. Bryan's party has a good defense for its southern suffrage legislation, why should its advocate defend it with falsehoods? "Why not tell the truth? The editor! J9f The Commoner reiterates the three propositions and unqualifiedly assorts the truth of each. The colonial system permanently disqualifies the subjects living thereunder. No matter what local self-government may bo per mitted, the subject in a colony has no part In the government of the country of which ho Is a subject The Filipino today has nothing what ever to say in regard to the policy of the United States or in regard to the appointment of the executive authority in the Philippines. Even if hereafter tho Filipino Is given a voice in the selection of a local legislature, tho fact that ho will have nothing to say in regard to tho selection of the executive who enforces tho laws, (and in a colonial system has an absolute veto), is com plete and conclusive proof that ho is disqualified for suffrage In tho sense in which tho term is used in this country. In every state of tho south there are negroes who vote for state officers and for national officers, and havo every political right that a white man has. No Filipino today, no mat ter how intelligent ho may be or how much prop erty he may have, is able to enjoy tho suffrage privileges that are enjoyed now by those negroes "in-the-souili-aJSable to .cpmour. jp the qualifications for suffrage there. The Inter-Ocean must admit, thon, that its criticism of the first proposition is unfounded and that tho republican party is doing much worse in the Philippines than the democratic party has done in tho south. As to the second proposition, tho Inter-Ocean says that "the Filipino has every constitutional protection that Mr. Bryan himself has-every per sbnal and civil right" That is palpably false. The constitution does not apply in the Philip pine islands. Congress can extend to the Fili pinos such privileges as congress wishes, but these are not guaranteed by the constitution; they are simply conferred by congress and can be taken away by congress. If the editor of the Inter Ocean will read the latest Philippine legislation, he will find that there are many rights guaranteed to tho citizens of the United States that are" not. guaranteed to the Filipinos. For instance, the right to trial by jury, which is one of the most sacfed rights that there is. Neither is the right to free speech guaranteed there as here, and an editor, although an American, has already been deported for criticising public officials. The demo cratic party insists that the constitution follows the flag. The republican party takes the position that the constitution does not follow the flag, and two decisions of the supremo court, "each ren dered by a majority of one," support the republi can position. On the second proposition, there fore the Inter-Ocean must admit that The Com moner is right and the Inter-Ocean is wrong. Now as to the third proposition, the Inter Ocean says that "Filipinos and white men in the Philippines live under exactly the same laws. This is dodging the question. It is a coward y evasion of the proposition. The white people who live in the Philippine islands have no part 'in the maklng.of the laws of the Philippine isl ands Those laws are made by the people of this 'country, and the few white people who live in tho Philippine Islands are tbcro not as permanent residents, but moroly as visitors and tomporary sojourners. Tho United States congress exorcises supreme power over tho Filipinos and over the white pcoplo who go there to trado and traffic. Tho laws for tho Filipinos would not bo permitted in this country, and tho editor of tho Inter-Ocean knows It; and ho also knows that they would not be made by tho Filipinos If thoy had a voice in tho making of them. Tho distinction pointed out by tho editor of Tho Commoner is on of very great importanco. It Is tho very essenco of Im perialism when you como to consider tho probablo offect of tho laws. Tho interest that tho white pcoplo of tho south havo In tho making f the laws under which thoy themselves live is a protection to the black man where tho black man does not vote a protection tho value of which cannot bo overestimated. This protection Is entirely withdrawn with the people of this country making laws relating to tho Fili pinos while they themselves are exempt from the operation of tho laws. It Is fortunate 'that the Inter-Ocean ventured upon tho criticism above re ferred to, because it calls tho attention of 1U readers to ttie'principafpblFInhircblonlal ques tion, and tho editor of Tho Commoner takes pleas ure in pointing out tho gross and Inexcusable er ror Into which tho editor of the Inter-Ocean has fallen. Tho Inter-Ocean also refers to the District of Columbia and says that "as to voting for con gressmen and president, the people of the Philip pines are In exactly tho same condition as the residents of the District of Columbia;" and adds: "The latter are not even permitted to vote in lo cal affairs." It is an unfortunate reference for the Inter-Ocean, because the right to vote was taken away from the people of the District of Columbia by tho republican party and taken away solely for tho reason that there were so many colored people in the District that even white republicans preferred to rely upon congress rather than a local legislature. The case, however, is not at all analog us with the situation in tho Philippine isl ands. The residents of the District of Columbia are largely temporary residents, and many of them still hold their citizenship in their states and go home to vote. Then, too, the sessions of con gress are held in the District, and the members of congress are in close and constant touch with the peurle, and as the population of Washington Is largely made up of people who hold official posi tion and receive their appointment from tho fed eral authority, there can be no similarity between their condition and the condition of the Filipinos ten thousand miles away, who must depend upon an American congress for everything in the form of legislation. Neither is It fair to compare the condition of a territory like Alaska or Oklahoma with the condition in the Philippines, for the territorial state under our republican form of government Is a temporary state. It lasts only while the people are preparing themselves for citizenship. If wrongs are endured, they are only for a sea son, and ihe people look forward with patience