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AUGUST 21, 1303.
PAYING HOMAGE TO LINCOLN'S MEMORY
Sow. Intfttlnr QMttatfoa from UtutAn't
Apccches 5hewlnjr the Metl4 Employ fey
tin Republican of Today In "Pyfg Trltwt"
! th Mna Wboin Tliey Claim a Tlwlr Vttfm
5alnt.
si
The Commoner.
The Commoner has already quoted from a
speech delivered by Mr. Roosevelt at Springfield,
111., in which the president emphasized the im
portance of paying homage to the memory of Lin
coln by deeds as -well as by words, and several
quotations from Mr. Lincoln's speeches and writ
ings have been presented. There are, however,
other pertinent quotations and it may be well to
present them. In his Springfield speech. Mr. Roose
velt said: "It is a good thing for us, by speech,
to pay homage to the memory-of Abraham Lin
coln, but it is an infinitely better thing for us
in our lives to pay homage to his memory in the
only "way in which that homage can be effectively
paid, by seeing to it that this republic's life, so
cial and political, civic and industrial, is shaped
now in accordance with the ideals which Lin
coln preached and which all his life long he prac
ticed. The greatness of our forefathers must
serve not as an excuse to us for failing to do our
duties in return, but as a spur to make us feel
that we arc doubly recreant to them as well as to
ourselves if we fail to rise level with the stand
ards they sot.'i
Let us take another glance at Lincoln's writ
ings and speeches and see If republican leaders
who are so ready by speech to pay homage to his
memory do anything to "pay homage to that
memory in the only way in which that homage can
be effectively paid by seeing to it that this lepub
lic's life, social and political, civic and industrial,
is shaped now in accordance with the ideals which,
Lincoln preached and which all his life long he
practiced."
The habit of placing strained interpretations
upon the Declaration of Independence indulged in
by republican leaders of today finds comment in a
speech delivered by Mr. Lincoln, October 7, 1858,
in which he said: "Those maxims as to the right
of the people to life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness were just rules, to be constantly referred
to. There is no misunderstanding this except by
men interested to misunderstand it." And in a
speech delivered October 1, 1854, Mr. Lincoln said:
"Those who deny freedom to otners deserve it not
for themselves and under a just God cannot long
retain it."
The trust system and special privileges by the
few at the .expense of the many, all maintained
under the authority of the party that claims Abra
ham Lincoln as its patron saint, were condemned
by Mr. Lincoln in a speech delivered August 22,
1864, in which he said: "It is in order that every
one of you may through this free government
which we have enjoy an open field and a fair
chance for industry, enterprise, and intelligence,
that you all may have equal privileges in the race
of life with all its desirable human aspirations;
it is for this the struggle should be maintained
that we may not lose our birthrights."
The republican plea that the people of the
Philippines should trust their liberties to republic
can politicians was met by Mr. Lincoln in a speech
delivered October 16r 1854, in which he said: "If
there is anything that is the duty of the whole
people to never entrust to hands but their own
that thing Is the preservation and perpetuity of
their own liberty and Institutions."
"Destiny," that strange thing wherein the re
publican politician finds authority to establish a
government of force over an unwilling people,
was touched upon by Mr. Lincoln in a speech de
livered October 10, 1854, In which speech ho said:
"No man is good enough to govern another man
without that other's consent. I say, this is the
leading principle, the sheet anchor of American
republicanism. Allow all the governed an equal
voice in the government. That, and that only, is
self-government."
The republican policy of maintaining a gov
ernment part subject and part citizen, part free
states and territories and part 'dependent colonies,
was condemned by Mr. Lincoln In a speech deliv
ered Juno 17, 1858, In which ho said: "A house
.divided against Itself cannot stand. I believe this
government cannot endure permanently half freo
and half slave. I do not expect the union to bo
dissolved. I do not expect tho houso to fall, but
I do expect It wllj, cease to b: divided. It will be
come all one thing or the other."
The republican plea that wo are now becoming
a world power and must disdain the beaten path
trod by the fathers, that wo must grapple with
new responsibilities according to new and un
American methods, was touched upon by Mr. Lin
coln in a speech delivered January 27, 1857, in
which he said: "Towering genius dlsda'ns a
beaten path. It seeks regions hitherto unex
plored. It sees no distinction in adding story to
story upon the monument of fame erected to the
memory of others. It denies that it is glory enough
to serve under any chief. It scorns to tread In
tho footsteps of any predecessor, however illus
trious. It thirsts and burn, for distinction, and
if possible It will have It, whether at tho ex
pense of emancipating slayes or enslaving free
men. Is it unreasonable then to expect that somo
man possessed of the loftiest genius, coupled with
ambition sufficient to push it to its utmost stretch,
will " at somo time spring up among us? And
when such an one does, it will require tho people
to bo united with each other, attach 3d to the
government and laws and generally intelligent to
successfully frustrate his designs."
In a speech delivered at Philadelphia, Feb-'
ruary 21, 1861, at Independence Hall, Mr. Lincoln
said: "I hope I shall do nothing inconsistent
with the teachings of these holy and most sacred
walls. I have never had a sentiment that does
not breathe from these walls. All my political
warfare has been In favor of the teachings that
camo forth from these sacred walls. May my
right hand forget its cunning and my tongue cleave
to tho roof of my mouth if ever I prove false to
those teachings." But the party which claims
Abraham Lincoln as its patron saint has proved
false to those teachings. "
The charge made by republican leaders that
democrats are radicals and that the republicans
are conservative, Is met by a statement made in
a speech delivered by Mr. Lincoln, February 27,
1860. In that speech he said: "But you say you
are conservative eminently conservative while
we are revolutionary, destructive or something of
the sort. What is conservatism if not adherence
to thoold and tried ngalnBt tho now and untrlcd7
wo stick to and stand for tho idontical old poli
cies of the point In controversy which was adopted
by tho fathers who framed tho government under
which wo Hvo, while you with ono accord, roject
and scout and spit upon that old policy and in
sist upon substituting something now."
Tho ropubllcan practice of entering upon war
upon tho mere order of the prcBidont or of any
army chief was touched upon by Mr. Lincoln in a
letter to W. II. Horndon under dato of Fobruary
15, 1858. In that letter Mr. Lincoln said: "The
provisidn of tho constitution giving tho war mak
ing power to congress was dictated as I under
stand it by tho following reasons: Kings havo
always been involving and Impoverishing their
peoplo in wars, pretending genorally if not al
ways that the good of tho people was the object.
This our convention understood to be tho most op
pressive of all kingly oppressions and thoy re
solved to so frame tho constitution that -o man
should hold tho power of bringing this oppres
sion upon us. But your view destroys tho wholo
matter and places our presidents where kings
have always stood."
Tho ropubllcan claim that all men should
favor expansion for expansion's sake was met by
Mr. Lincoln in a speech delivered October 9, 1858,
in which ho said: "I think it Is an exceedingly
interesting and Important question to this pco
plo to consider whether we shall engago political
ly In acquiring additional territory discarding al
together from our consideration while obtaining
new territory the question how it may effect uu
in regard to this, the only endangering element Id
our liberties and national greatness."
There was a marked difference between the
opinion entertained by Mr. Lincoln and the opin
ion entertained by Mr. Roosevelt and other re-'
publican leaders of today with respect as to whal
constitutes tho bulwark of our liberties and as tc
what represents our real 'powpr. In a speech dc
livered September 11, 1858, Mr. Lincoln said:
"What constitutes tho bulwark of our liberty and
independence? It is n6t our frowning battle
ments, our bristling seacoasts, tho guns of oui
war steamers or the strength of our gallant and
disciplined army. These are not our reliance
against a resumption of tyranny in our fair land.
All of them may be turned against our liberties
without making us stronger or weaker for the
struggle. Our reliance Is In tho lovo of liberty
which God has planted In our bosoms. Our defense
Is in the preservation of the spirit which prized
liberty as tho heritage of all men, in all lands
everywhere.- Destroy this spirit and you havo
planted the seeds of despotism around your own
doors. Familiarize yourselves with the cnalns of
bondage and you are preparing your own limbs to
wear them. Accustomed to tramplo on the rights
of those around you, you havo lost the genius of
your own Independence and become the it sub
jects of tho first cunning tyrant who rises among
you. And, let mo tell you, all these things aro
prepared for you, with tho sure logic of history."
Is it not, then, fair to say that the republican
party long ago ceased to pay homage to tho mem
ory of Lincoln "in the onlr way in which that
homage can bo effectively paid?"
, DEMOCRATS, STAND BY YOUR PRINCIPLES! .
Democrats must not underestimate the im
portance of resolutions adopted by local conven
tions. Every democratic local convention may
have a certain 'degree of influence in shaping the
t national platform for 1904.
Wherever 'there may be a delegate to a demo
cratic county convention who. believes in the prin
ciples set forth in the Kansas City platform, he
should make an earnest effort to have the Kansas
City platform reaffirmed by his county convention
He should not be swerved from this determination
by any appeals directing his attention to consid
eiations of policy or a local advantage. If he be
lieves in the principles of the Kansas City plat
form, ho should insist that those principles be in
dorsed by tho county convention of which he is
a member. The preservation of those principles
are more important than the election of any par
ticular individual to the most important office.
("Observing men will discover, too, that politic
ians are sometimes blind; and it may be said, in
all seriousness, that the politician who will claim
that the assertion of devotion to the principles of
the Kansas City platform will lose votes to demo
cratic candidates for local office Js but playing
in the basement of politics. Tha voters who con
trol the elections do not stand upon the street
corners. Tho real public sentiment cannot be ob
tained by a tour along the curbstones of the cities.
There is, among the people, deep and abldlcg loy
alty to the principles enunciated in the democratic
national platform and It but neeus a situation that
will bring the rank and file of the party in solid
phalanx to the primary elections to show that by
an overwhelming majority the democratic party
stands by the principles of 1896 and 1900.
Men who are opposed to democratic principles
lese no effort to advance their cause. It is to be
hoped that the men who believe in the democratic
principles of the democratic national platform will
lose no opportunity to advance their cause.
It is of the utmost importance that the Kan
sas City platform be reaffirmed by every gathering
of real democrats. To this end those who sincere
ly believe in those principles must make it their
special duty to see that reaffirmation is accom
plished at every possible opportunity.
JJJ
Well, there is one consolation to be drawn
from Schwab's resignation he will not make
any more speeches to graduating classes advising
the boys, to leave school at 16 or 17 to get ahead
of some one.
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