UJMBtoiitBH j7!f!15y?Tn777Sri!ir3Tiiii)ijiiiiiji''llityw'' . . ft- I I - 9 week's issue of Tho Commoner the attention of every "want to win" domocrat In his neighbor hood. Even on tho low plane of expediency, thero is every reason why tho attempt to ropublicanizo the democratic party should he defeated. It would not, in tho end, profit tho democratic party if it should loso its principles even though it won the offices. Like tho victory of 1892 it would bo an oxponsivo victory; but if after democrats sur render their principles they aro required to sub mit to dofeat, the defeat will bo all tho moro humiliating. It is of tho highest importance that every flcmocrat who loves his party understand the sit uation and realize that disaster will certainly come upon the democratic party if the reorganiz ing element controls in the convention of ly04. It is, therefore, important that every democrat who beliovcs that his party should remain true to its principles and faithful to tho people tako part in tho work of preventing tho republicaniza tion of tho party. In this contest tho aid of ev ery real domocrat will be needed for it must bo plain to every one that the money bags of the trusts aro behind the so-called reorganizing ele ment and that if theso reorganizes can. win a victory by tho expenditure of money, money will be spent In generous amounts. One method of preventing tho success of tho reorganizes scheme is by tho organization of democratic clubs In every precinct throughout tho country. Theso clubs could accomplish a great work If they would see to It that only democrats who may bo deponded upon to ropresent the peo ple's interests aro choson as delegates to demo cratic conventions. Tho Commoner will furnish a form of constitution and mombership blanks for the use of democratic clubs upon application to this office. As rapidly as these clubs aro or ganized, thoy should ,bo reported through theso columns. JJJ j Attempting the Immpossible. On another page will bo found a letter writ ten by Mr. Richard L. Metcalfe, editor of tho Omaha World-Herald,, to Mr. Norman B. Mack, editor, of, the Buffalo Times, together with Mr. Mack8 reply, It seems that Mr. Mack, soma weeks ago wrote an editorial expressing a desire for harmony, and shying that it ought to bo possiblo for tho supporters of tho Kansas City platform and the followers of Mr, Cleveland to find some, common ground upon which they could unite. Mr. Metcalfe, recognizing Mr. Mack's earn est desire for party success, asked him to sug gest the basis of harmony and, in order to as sist him, propounded a number of questions. Mr. Mack's reply snows that ho is still fully con vinced of tho correctness of the party's position in tho campaigns of 1896 and 1900, but in the, hope of conciliating gold democrats ho expresses a willingness to deal with the money question in a very goneral way. It will be noticed that he does not favor amblgultyr as the Cleveland demo crats do, and lio is noi willing to ignore the money question as many of them would like to do. He seems to desire a declaration in favor of bimetallism, loaving tho matter of ratio to con gress. He says that tho ratio was the bone of contention, and starting out with this error it is not strango that his conclusion should be faulty For twenty years tho democrats of the house and senate voted constantly for free coinage at tho ratio of 1G to 1. No other ratio was ever pro posed. Even tho republicans have never though of changing tho ratio. Thoy have been in power now more than six years, and yet no attempt has been made to change the ratio. Tho republican administration has coined more silver dollars Binco 189G than have ever been coined before in tho same length of time, and they were all coined at tho ratio of 16 to 1. The ratio is thoroforo, not an issue, and never has been' Those who oppose bimetallism, have found fault with the ratio, but when a- man flndB fault with the ratio of 16 to 1 tho chances are a hundred to one that, if given his way, ho would not restore bimetallism at any ratio, '"he offer to leave tho ratio to congress is not a compromise. It is a tacit surrender of the whole subject. Because that would simply carry the party back to the practice that prevailed prior to 1896 of electing to congress men who pretended to bo bimetallists but who always found some objection to doing anything. It will be noticed that Mr. Mack does not an swer tho questions put by Mr. Metcalfe in regard to bank currency and asset currency. This i doubtless an oversight, because ho has been so frank in dealing with tho othor questions that there is no reason to believe that ho would in- The Commoner. tentionally avoid this one, although it Is one of the most troublesome of the questions asked by, Mr. Metcalfe. ' The paper money question is troublesome, no i because thero is any difficulty In answering it from a democratic standpoint, but because the re organizers who oppose tho restoration of silver also favor a bank currency, but in the case of the bank currency they cannot say that tho in creased production of gold has settled tho con troversy between bank notes and greenbacks. Neither can they say that an enlargement of the volume of money makes an asset currency safe. It will be found that tho men who are opposed tG the restoration of bimetallism take tho bank er's view of finance on all phases of it, and if given control of tho party they would be as ser vile tools of Wall street as any republican lead ers could be. Mr. Mack thinks that the democratic atti-'. tude on the trust question must remain unshaken, ' and yet he will find that Mr. Cleveland's follow ers aro just as much afraid of effective anti trust legislation as they are of government paper or bimetallism. Under the last Cleveland admin istration nothing was done to interfere with the trusts, and the reorganizes, if in control, would expect to get their campaign funds from the trusts just as they did in 1892, and then leavo them undisturbed. Mr. Mack favors an income tax, which Mn Cleveland, Mr. Hill and their followers oppose. Mr. Mack also opposes government by in junction, but it will be remembered that the Cleveland element was as much opposed to the democratic; position on this subject , as to tho democratic position on the money qutstlon, and the same may be said in regard to all the- ques tions affecting labor. Mr. Mack believes that the party should stand by its opposition to imperialism, but this again offends papers like the Courier-Journal and tho Atlanta Constitution, and the men who are will ing to sacrifice anything that they think stands In the way of what they call "success." It would be easy to agree upon the tariff question, because tariff reform is as indefinite -as. protection Mr. .Mack's program would hardly be, .found -acceptable, because the , Kansas City platform democrats would not be willing tojgnore the vari ous phases of themonor question and- accept a' gold bug candidate, and the Cleveland men-would not bo willing to accept the other planks in the Platform unless, of course, they are given both tho candidates and the organization, in which case the platform would be immaterial because they would not feel themselves- bound by it Mr. Metcalfe has had ten years experience with the gold standard loaders of the party and he knows that back of all their pleas and pre tences, there is something which makes them op pose the democratic party when it is going in a democratic direction, namely, their interest in, , and their sympathy for, organized wealth. Mr. Mack leally icans toward right principles, but like Hpmo other good democrats he is so anxious to find some basis upon which the party can bo united that he persuades himself to belieye that the impossible can happen. If he will read U.u v!m nr0twTd rnr' the Chicag0 ChronIcle '' will fiEd that The Commoner has already nointea ?M dimiCUlty' The W0rld says S substance that the only way to sedure harmony is for the democratic party to abandon the things that aro objectionable to the Cleveland element (which means to abandon the interests of the ' people) and the Cnroniclc insists that the only thing necessary is to throw populism (meaning the platforms of 1896 and 1900) overboard Mr Sf f tyn P X larg0 tore of disappoin?: ment if he thinks that there will ever be har mony between the men who think as Mr. Cleve land does and the men who believe earnestlv in the platforms of 1896 and 1900. Harmony be tween these elements is absolutely impossible, 5,irnnSLtlieiJ 8Patw. eir aspirations, their purposes and their methods are directly antagon istic, to each other. If thoy are hitched to tho cemocratic plow they will not pull together, Tmt thfnnl11 l- itsveisht against theS weight of the other Either faction can do more alone than it can pulling against the strength of the other. J!f n?fc LniUo Interest of harmony, but.in tho interest of discord and disaster, to try to recon cile irreconcilable elements. JJJ A Son of Destiny. Miss Mary C. Francis has published through' the Federal Book company, of New York, a story of Andrew Jackson under the title "A Son of Destiny." It will prove of intense Interest to tho iVOLUME.3, NUMBER 10. admirers of the hero of New Orleans and will bo instructive to those who havo been prejudiced s against him. While the book quite successfully brings out the principal points in Jackson's nri vate and public life, it is written in the form of a narrative and other characters aro so inter woven as to make tho book read more like a novel than a history. Accepting the theory that no narrative is complete without a love story th author has made one of Jackson's .staunchest friends the hero of an affair of the heart. The book begins with the duel in which Jackson killed Dickinson for his reflections upon Jackson's marriage. Next follows the chronicling of the war of 1812 and Jackson's wonderful vic tory over Packingham at New Orleans. His life is then traced through his experiences with the Indians and as governor of Florida down to his first presidential campaign in 1824. The growth of his popularity is described and the character- istlcs of tho man brought out in bold relief. Several chapters are given to his domestic life and a faithful likeness is drawn of Jackson's adorable and adored wife, and her death and his sorrow pathetically described. A number of chapters are devoted to his first unsuccessful campaign and to the successful cam paigns of 1828 and 1832. Tho details of the so cial quarrel that raged in regard to Mrs. Eaton, Peg, as she was familiarly called, are set forth at considerable length, In tho course of the narrative Adams and Clay who combined to de feat Jackson In 1824 and whom he defeated sep arately in 1828 and 1832, Calhoun, the vice presi dent during his first administration, but later his bitter antagonist; Benton, his early enemy and afterward the chief exponent of his views in tho senate; and Webster, who opposed him on many; questions, but was his ablest defender in tho nullification controversy all these men appear, as characters in the book and their elements of greatness, as well as their political views ani actions, are discussed. Considerable space is de voted to the quarrel with Calhoun and to tho questions which separated them and a general review given of the celebrated controversy be tween Jackson. and Nick Biddle's bank, resulting in the senatorial censure and the successful fight led by Benton for the rescinding of th6 resolution. Miss Francis 'brings out admirably the pa triotic purpose of Jackson, his indomitable will nis self-reliance, his moral courage and his un sullied integrity, indicating at the same time" how he fitted into tho niche of his time and how His superb- qualities endeared him to the masses with whom he was always in perfect sympathy. At the same time she does not overlook the deficien cies and short-comings which exhibited the human side of his life. This is her summing up: "But with, the versatility of the Scotch Irish, Andrew Jackson was one clean-cut facet on the polished diamond of his race, a raco that sparkles high in the diadem of - these .United States in everything from half-breeds " to presidents, and, forged as he was in the red smithyof war and hammered on the anvil -of poverty, he lacked only a certain balance of the intellect to make him the greatest man this country has ever produced. It is well. Had it been otherwise there would havo been nothing left of our federal union but his ' vast and dominating personality.". nmJ0 ar num,erous biographies of Jackson, among them Parton's three-volumo work and Sum- SS5n0lSme- ? th? Statesme Series, the latter "I Mon f'r0Ir th? standpoint of an opponent, but JL ?? ' DeBUny wi" be found to be the most Snt,!nry,f JackS0n that fc appeared and probably it is as near the truth as we can onintnWS T CnSl,df the id? differencees o i w Tha? have existed and still exist in re gard to Jackson himself and his work. JJJ Miles on the Philippines. MaiS?1? Mi!f' Wh0 Went to the PhiliPPina tafonn nvfestIeato and returned with too much to dXii hio SU m th0 ImPerlalists, is disposed and thl iiSCti0n betw?en th0 ay os a whole It ornpif J CT an? soldlers wh0 ha bem guilty and Nnlv TRepl3;in t0 a critidsm inthe Annr, anr teii0"?1' hcSays: "Xt la mot gratify-' mitted U ?i ,ler,0K?, 0ffences havo not been com Se d rL?V0ld.i(Ts unless thJy were- under BlhiP lV?in f uemin ofllcers who re respon to ISonf niS baVe withneld re when ordered tv anS wr ml ?' pr?tffted agataat acts of cruel Hon tn Zl tel tcrelatIvcs at oo to take ac- of the iSSi8i?Pto tbeSe crime8' U wil1 be 6n6 mittod 8wrl?,oft th0 army tbat sucb eds, com mitted by whatever authority, are abhorent 'td