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The Commoner
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WILLIAH J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
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Vol. 3. NO. 18.
Lincoln, Nebraska, May 22, 1903.
Whole No. 122.
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Keeping Ever at It.
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In thoir efforts to control tlio government, tho
representatives of the trusts and the syndicate!
appreciate the importance of "keeping everlast
ingly at it" In season and out of season, these
people see to it that newspapers over whose busi
ness office they exercise control cultivate false
impressions, misrepresent the policies of their
opponents, and seek to create, in many instances,
the notion that the whole country is aroused in
support of the plans and the candidate having
the favor of the representatives of special in
terests. In this work republican organs and so-called
democratic' newspapers controlled by the reor
ganizes work as a- rule shoulder to shoulder.
Thoughtless men depending for their information,
upon trust organs might imagine at this time that
the American people have cheerfully embraced
the trust system as a great benefactor to man
kind and that the democrats of the country are
practically unanimous in favor of the nomination
of a trust candidate in 1904, and the adoption of
a platform that will not disturb the trust mag-
nate.
5 The truth is that the rank and file of the
cjemocratftc party are opposed to reorganization for
the benefit of the trusts and the syndicates and
that the sp-called popular uprising in behalf of
a syndicate candidate exists only in the well
paid imaginings of newspaper editors who
draw their inspiration from syndicates and who
have neither the ability nor the inclination to
make intelligent examination of tho public pulse.
It has been true in the past that great par
ties have been controlled by the methods now
being employed by tho trust organs and it is
likewise true that in this respect history would
repeat itself, so far as the democratic party is
concerned, if the rank and file of that party be
came indifferent and failed to take active part
in primary contests. Politicians who are amply
supplied with money by the syndicates are in a
' position to make headway in the effort to obtain
control of a party or government if the people
who are most deeply interested in the future lose
interest in their own cause. But in spite of the
money of the syndicates, ia spite of the misrep
resentations and the specious pleas of the trust
organs, the democratic party will remain true to
itself, and therefore true to tho people, if the rank
and file will but adopt the plan of the represen-
tatives of special interests to the extent of "keep
ing everlastingly at it."
.In the great work of protecting the demo
cratic party from the merciless hands of tho
trust magnates, even the humblest member of the
party can accomplish great results. One demo-
crat firmly devoted to the principles of his party,
ever watchful for the welfare of his country, and
willing to speak and to work according to his
convictions, may accomplish mor in the organi
zation of his party and the successful defense of
' its principles than a dozen reorganizers equipped
though they may be with an ample, supply of
' syndicate money.
If, in every precinct in tho United States,
there is one democrat who is willing to under
take tho work of arousing democrats to tho im
portance of discharging their duty, there will
not bo tho slightest danger of tho republlcanlza
tion of tho democratic party. The rank and fllo
of the party aro faithful to its principles and they
need but a reminder of tho importance of or-
ganizlng in order to protect the democratic party
from the transformation which tho representatives
of tho trusts and syndicates aro so anxious to
accomplish.
In every precinct a democratic club should bo
organized. Tho members of this club should bo
pledged to tho defense of democratic principles
and Its members should see to it that no one
is chosen as a delegate to a convention, county,
state, or national, who may not bo depended upon
to represent the will of the rank and file.
A form of constitution and membership blanks
for the use of democratic clubs will bo furnished
by The Commoner upon application. The organi
zation of such clubs should be promptly reported
for the information and encouragement of others.
JJJ
Republican Tariff Reform.
The Des Moines Capital is prophesying that
the tariff revision sentiment which has manifested
Itself in tho republican party will soon disappear,
and it likens it to tho free silver sentiment
which, it alleges, appeared and disappeared in tho
republican party. The Capital is undoubtedly cor
rect in saying that the tariff revision sentiment is
not likely to last long in the republican party.
In Xact, the tariff reform republicans can be di
vided into two classes those who really want
tariff reform and those who vould like tariff re
form provided it could be secured through the
republican party. The former, finding that tar
iff reform through the republican party is im
possible, will leave the party in order to get'
tariff reform; tho latter, finding that tariff re
form through the republican party is impossible,
will give up tariff reform in order to be in har
mony with the party. This was true of the re
publicans who advocated free silver. Those who
were in earnest left tho republican party; those
who were republicans first and silver men after
ward, gave up free silver. The same division
can be seen among the republican opponents of
the trust, and the Capital might just as well
have mentioned this element as the tariff reform
element Those who want to destroy tho trusts
will leave the republican party and try to de
stroy them, while others will quit talking about
the trusts as soon as it is evident to all, as it
now is to many, that the republican . party hag
no intention of destroying the trusts. A like
division will bo found among' tho anti-imperialist
republicans. Those who aro genuinely attached
to the doctrine of self-government will leave the
republican party and assist in the overthrow of
colonialism. Those who are more attached to
their party than to our form of government will
stick to tho party and risk the growth of imper
ialism in the United States rather than risk in
jury to their party.
The Capital's logic is right as far as it goes,
but it does not go far enough.
The Price of Silver.
The recent rise In tho prico of silver Is being
made tho subject of discussion by a numbor of
papers. Tho Chicago Chronicle says:
"Tho prico of silver bullion has advanced
about 3 cents per ounce during tho last three
months, and dealers aro looking for a still
further advance. The rise in the prico Is at
tributed in part to the purchases by our gov
ernment for .tho Philippine coinago, and In
part to a more active demand outside of the
United States. Inasmuch as the purchases
for tho Philippine coinago aro not to exceed
a million per month, the rlso must bo duo
mainly to outside demand." "
Tho Cleveland Leader, speaking of the rise,
says:
"Tho advanco is attributed to the short
supply and the heavy buying of tho United
States government, amounting to an averago
of 550,000 ounces weokly for use in tho Phil
ippines. In fact, it Is declared, the market
is heavily oversold, and there Is little snot
silver in Europe. Two years ago the decline
was duo to tho heavy sales of silver by China
to meet the claims of indemnity demanded
by the powers."
Tho Leader, in tho same editorial, insists
that the price of silver in the markets of tha
world is regulated entirely by supply and de
mand, and has no connection with the prosperity
of tho people, and it asserts that "the theory that
whether the people of the country were to prosper
depended entirely upon the price of silver, ap
pears to have been abandoned." A reader of tha
Leader having challenged this statement and de
nied that it ever had been adva'need, tho Leader
replied that Mr. Bryan "in 1890 in almost half a
thousand speeches, attributed all the financial,
industrial and agricultural ills of the people of
tho United States to the fact that silver had been
denied its proper place as one of tho mono
metals of the country." The argument made by
Mr. Bryan In 1890 and since did not differ from
the arguments made by other biraetallists. It was
known, not only by advocates of bimetallism, but
by all intelligent advocates of the gold standard,
that there had been an era of falling prices, and
tho English commission appointed to Investigate
the cause had come to tho conclusion that all other
students of the subject had reached, namely, that
the fall in prices was mainly due to the fact that
the supply of money had not increased In propor
tlon to the demand for it. And this was duo to the
demonetization of silver. Bimetallism was ad
vocated as a means of increasing the volume of
standard money, and it was the only means then
in sight The purpose of the increase was not
only to stop falling prices, but to raise them up
to, and to keep them at, the bimetallic level. Tho
purpose of all the agitation was more money, and
bimetallism was the means of securing it Bi
metallism requires the coinage of gold and silver
at a fixed ratio Into legal tender money. Th
Chicago platform embodied this demand in spe
cific words and every one who knew anything
about the subject knew that bimetallism would
increase the volume of money, that an increased
volume of money would raise prices, and that
higher prices would make better times. Tho peo
ple opposed to bimetallism were divided into two
classesthose who wanted dear money and thost
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