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The Commoner.
WILLIAJl J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
Vol; 3, NO. 15.
Lincoln, Nebraska, M ay 1, 1903.
Whole No. j 19.
ffc C 1 I I IIC Ctr C EZ! r f It JI S Address Delivered hy Mr. Bryan at a Dinner given
l L L I O I J U 3 I l L L U J IV 1 a Washington D. C, April 13, 1903, by tlie
J Tliomas Jefferson Memorial Association, j
Mr. Toastmaster, and Fellow-Citizen: I hard
ly feel that I ought to detain the banqueters or
take their thoughts away from the magnificent
speech to which we have just listened from the
governor of the state which gave Thomas Jeffer
son' to the Unions It was so complete, so felicit
ous in expression and so true, that nothing can he
added in the way of eulogy; and if it were not
that I have been assigned a particular subject I
would not attempt a speech.
This evening has been one of great delight to
me. I am a believer in Thomas Jefferson, and in
his principles, and I am glad to come from Ne
braska to Washington join this association in the
inauguration of this movement to raise a monu
ment to his memory. I deem it an honor to at
tend this dinner, given under the auspices of an
association at whose head stands Admiral Dewey,
the highest man in the navy of the nation, and to
sit at the board with General Miles, the highest
soldier in the army of the nation; to. follow "Sena
tor Hoar, the nestor of the United States senate,
and to speak with ex-Secretary Smith, who repre
sents a profession which Ijmust admit to be an
influential profession namely, "'journalism; and
vith so distinguished an educator as President
Neednam.
-
. I cannot say anything about the purpose of
this organization that has not been better said
by Mr. Lipscomb, who shares with Mr. McKean
the honor of originating it; but I can join with
them in the enjoyment of this occasion, and, my
friends, if any of ypu wonder why one who advo
cates earnestly as I do the political principles of
Thomas Jefferson, should on this occasion take
Religion rather than Politics as his theme, I might
explain to you that to hear republicans praise
Jefferson as they have tonight makes a democrat
feel religious.
I can give a general indorsement to the..gen
eral eulogy pronounced by Senator Hoar, and a
particular commendation to the particular in
dorsement given , by the gentlemen from Phila
delphia. I have heard Zacheus mentioned in oon
nectidn with Philadelphia, but I confess that the
.version of the story as I heard it tonight was
new to me. The only reason I have ever heard
given, -why Zaccheus and Philadelphia should be
named in the same breath was that there was a
request preferred to Zaccheus which is often pre
ferred? in Philadelphia "Come down."
.1 am not disposed to be controversial tonight,
but it requires all., the Christian forbearance that I
have been able to cultivate since I joined the
church, at the age of 14, not to say something in
reply to the remarks made about expansion.
I agree with Jefferson rather than with my
friend "from Pennsylvania in estimating the rela
tive in" irtance of what Jefferson did. It gave
mo, I thlnir, a better insight into the character of
Jefferson than I had ever had before when 1 read
'the inscription which he himself suggested for his
monument the inscription to which our toast
master has eloquently referred. Jefferson was a
political philosopher, and as has been 'said, he
thought far in advance, of his time. And yet ho'
differed in one essential particular from the phil
osophers who do not live to seo the triumph of
their ideas. He proclaimed great living truths,
and then applied those truths to the questions
with which he had to deal. Some have contented
themselves with laying down abstract principles,
and have not sought to give them vitality in the
present day; but Jefferson not only saw the future,
but He saw the present, and we have this great
advantage in the study of the principles of Jef
ferson, that he gavo us those principles embodied
in legislation. I have been more and more sur
prised as I havo studied the questions with which
we have to deal, to find that thoro is no subject
with which our people grapple today that he did
not consider in principle. Take the questions that
are subjects of controversy and you will find that
he , stated principles and applied principles at
that time that apply to the questions at this time;
and today we do not havo to go beyond his writ
ings to find principles that will sorve aright the
problems of today. He saw great fundamental,
truths, self-evident truths, if you please, and I
am coming to believe that there are not only
self-evident truths, but that all truth is self-evident,
and that tho best service that a man can
render to a truth is to state it so that it can bo
understood. Jefferson had the power of state
ment, and he stated the truths so that they could
be understood. I do not mean to speak lightly
of the work of Jefferson in purchasing the Louis
iana territory, but, my friends, If that territory
had not been bought then it would have been
bought afterward, for it was there and it was nec
essary that it should become American territory;
I cannot believe, therefore, that tho purchase of
that land dull, inanimate matter can be com
pared with the proclamation of immortal truth.
I place far above any purchase of acres or square
miles, the utterance of those truths upon which
human liberty must rest Philosophy is above
geography. Jefferson rightly measured his own
work when he looked back over a long and event
ful life, and, ignoring the foot-hills of honor saw
only the mountain peaks of service. He gave to
us proof that the Bible is right 'when It fixes ser
vice as the measure of greatness. You will re
member that when there was a controversy as to
which should be greatest in the Kingdom of
Heaven, and the que'stion was brought to tho
Master, He said: "Let him who would be chief
est among you be the servant of all."
ao Jefferson, when he looked back over his
life saw, not the things that he had received, but
the things that he had given to the world; not
the things men had done for him, but the things
ho had done for mankind.
I have been asked to speak of the statute for
establishing Religious Freedom, written by
Thomas Jefferson, and enacted by the state of
Virginia in 1786, about eight years after it was
drafted. Let me read you the statute:
"That the general assembly do enact that
no man shall be compelled to frequent, or
support, any religious worship, place or, min
istry whatsoever, nor shall be enforced, re
strained, molested, or burdened in his body.
or goods, nor shall otherwise suffer, on ac
count of his religious opinions or belief; but
that all men shall be freo to profess, and by
argument to maintain, their opinions In mat
ters of religion and that tho same Bhall in no
wlso diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil
capacities."
Tho conciseness to which Govornor Montague
has referred is well illustrated in this statute.
Read It over. There is not a superfluous word,
and yet there Is enough to guard religious liberty.
It is not strango that this doctrine so well set
forth by Jefferson more than a century ago, is
now a part of tho constitution or bill of rights of
every state o this Union. Not only is that today
the law of this land, but it Is spreading through
out the world. It was only a few weeks ago that
the czar of Russia issued a decree in which he
acknowledged the right of all tho subjects of his
empire to worship God according to tho dictates
of their own consciences. And, my frionds, I be
lieve that when we come to measure the relative
importance of things, the Importance of an act
like that, tho very foundation upon which we
build religious liberty, the importance of an act
like that which, gradually spreading, ' has become
the creed of eighty millions of people, and is ul
timately to become tho creed of all tho world
when we come to consider the vast importance of
a thing like that, how can we compare lands or
earthly possessions with it?
In the preamblo to this statute Jefferson set
forth the main reasons urge'd by those who be
lieved in religious freedom. Let mo call atten
tion to some of the more important ones. Ho
said, in the first place, that to attempt to compel
people to accept a religious doctrine, by act of
law, was to make, not Christians, but hypocrites.
That was one of the reasons, and It was a strong
one. He said, too, that there was no earthly
judge who was competent to sit in a case and try
a man for his religious opinions, for the judg
ment of the court, he said, would not be a judg
ment of law, but would be the personal opinion of
the judge. What could be more true? No man
who has religious convictions himself bears them
so lightly that he can lay them aside and act as
a judge when another man's .religious convictions
are involved. Then ho suggested and I think
that 'I am justified in elaborating upon this sug
, gestlon a moment that religion does not need the
support of government to enable it to overcome
error. Let me read the exact words, for I can
not change them without doing injury to them:,
t And finally, that truth is great and will
prevail if left to herself; that she Is the
proper and sufficient antagonist of error, and
has nothing to fear from the conflict unless
by human Interposition disarmed of her nat-
' ural weapons free argument and debate; er-
rors ceasing to be dangerous when it is per-
. mitted freely to contradict them.
Tell me that Jefferson lacked reverence for
religion! He rather lacks reverence who believes
religion is unable to defend herself in & contest
with error. He places a low estimate upon the
strength' of religion, who thinkis that the wisdom
(Continued on Page 11.);
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