The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, April 17, 1903, Page 2, Image 2

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    Hymn, wipj8y
"shackled force" Tills, too, shows that ho wants
tlio trust magnates to understand that tkero is
but tho scantiest justification for most of the out
i cry against the nton of wealth, as such, hut ho IB
willing to allow- tho public to forget tho harsh
things that (In a lit of "hysteria?") ho inadvert
antly said about the shackling of cunning.
Ho says nothing of tho bill framed by a re
publican committee of tho houso of representa
tives, passed by tho house almost without oppo
sition, and then strangled by the trust represen
tatives in tho sonato. It was not an adequate
roraody and yot strong enough to make Attorney
General Knox call it drastic and corfolnly worthy
of passing notice if tho president intends to do
anything further on tho trust question.
' Tho suits brought by tho government are men
tioned as conclusive proof that tho present laws
are being enforced. Tho merger Biiit is referred
to and yot it is well known that there have
boon moro consolidations among railroads tho
last fow years than over before; ho speaks of en .
joining tho packers' combino, but ho neglects to
say that the' packers" have now formed a trust
that avoids tho farco of the injunction; he speaks
of tho Federal Salt company, but neglects to say
that tho big salt trust is still in undisputed con
trol of tho salt supply of the nation and is not
vexed by suits., Ho has mentioned a fow in
stances where civil process has been used, but
docs not explain why ho refuses to uso the crim
inal clause. If a mail carrier steals a dollar out
of a lottor he docs not have tho attorney general
onjoin him from doing so again. If a man sells
n gallon of liquor without license he docs not uso
tho injunction against him. Why aro small
violations of tho law punished in tho criminal
court and tho largo criminal only enjoined?
Then, (oo, why does ho overlook tho oil trust,
tho sugar tniBt, tho cracker trust, tho starch trust,
tho harvester trust, tho steol trust, tho tobacco
trust, and tho hundreds of other trusts? Tho con
clusion is irresistible that ho has no objection to
a trust, but thinks tho government ought to in
terfere only when the trust does some outrageous
act. For instanco, tho Federal Salt company
raised prices several hundred, per cent and that
was considered ground for prosecution, but what
about tho plate glass trust that takes advantage
of a protection of over one hundred per cent?
Ono of two conclusions must be drawn from
the president's speech: either he has no idea of
attacking tho principle of private monopoly or,
if ho has any such purposo, it does not manifest
itsolf. What motivo could ho have for concealing
his purposo if he really intended an active cru
sado against privato monopolies? Does ho doubt
that tho pooplo aro prepared for energetic action?
Ho cannot so mistake tho sentiment of tho peo
ple Is ho afraid of tho influence of tho trust
magnates In tho next convention? If ho must
conciliato thorn to secure a nomination, will ho
not servo them after tho election?
Here is an opportunity for tho display ot
moral courage, but where is the courage? 0,
strenuosity! what frauds aro committed in thy
namo! Tho overawing of tho Filipinos oven the
rldo up San Juan Hill, how insignificant both
would Boom in comparison with a real, sure
enough attack on the citadel of the trusts. All
his boasting about "iron in the blood," all his
scoffing at "cowards and weaklings" only give
emphasis to tho timidity ho shows in tho presenco
of insolent and arrogant monopolists.
Tho Milwaukeo speech would seem to be tho
death-knoll of tho anti-trust movement so far as
the president Is concerned.
The Roosevelt Monopoly.
- Mr. Wm. D. Brinnior, an attorney of Kings
ton, N. Y., sends Tho Commoner a copy of an
early law passed by tho state of New York, June
6, 1712. It is found in chapter 241, entitled, "An
act to encourage the making of lintseed oyle." It
Chapter 241. An net to encourage tho
making of lintseed oyle. Passed, Juno G, 1712.
Whoreas, John Van der Heul and John
Rosevelt having set forth in their peticon
presented to the general assembly, that by
their Industry and great charge they have
erected in tho city of New York a mill for
grinding flaxseed and making lintseed oyle,
and have therein pray'd that an act may pass
in their favour that no such mills may bo
permitted, used, or erected In this colony, for
a certain torme but by their heires or as
signs. For tho encouragera't of others that
may incline to advance or project any other
manufacture in this colony. Bo it enacted by
the governour, council and assembly and by
The Commoner.
tho authority of tho same, person .
or persons whatsoever from and after tno
publication of this act shall or may erect ot
mako uso of a mill for grinding lintseed or
flaxseed to mako oyle for 'publiclc sale or
market for and during the term of ten years
from the publication of this act, but the said
John Van der Heul and John Rosoveltand
their assigns to whom the solo benefit, profljt
and advantage of making tho said oylo shall
accrue and belong.
And -bo it further enacted oy me uiuwh
ity aforesaid, that such person or persons aB
shall erect or make any mill to grind lint
seed and flaxseed for producing the said oylo
from andafter the publication of this act,
whereby tho true intent and meaning thereof
may bo frustrated, shall forfeit and pay the
sum of two hundred pounds, current money of
tho colony of Now York, unto the said John
Van dor Heul and John Rosevelt to bo by
them and their assigns recovered in any court
of record within the said colony by action of
It would seem that tho legislature of New
York was persuaded to grant a monopoly for ten
years, and tho only leason, given was that the
monopolists had already established an industry
in tho city of New York, and it was made unlaw
ful for any one to orect or use any other mill for
grinding lintseed or any other seed during tho
term of tho monopoly. It seems that John Rose
velt was one of the monopolists of that day, but
lot It bo said to John's credit that, instead of run
ning his monopoly in violation ofy the law, he
took the precaution to get the legislature on his
side. The records will probably show whether the
Rosevelt of two centuries ago belongs to the fam
ily of the president. There is one "o" less in the
name, but an inspection of the law will show other
peculiarities in orthography, such as "oyle" and
"peticon," which would indicate that the Rose
velt of 1713 might bo a relative of our chief
executive. Of c.urse, it would be absurd to say
that a monopolistic tendency would of necessity re
main in the family for' two centuries, but it is in
teresting to know that the greatest oil monopolist
of today has an enthusiastic supporter in a presi
dent whoso name is so similar in spelling to the
name of ono of tho first oil monopolists of whom
we have a record.
Tho Commonor is obliged tcrits Informer for
this interesting bit of history.
Riot Cartridges.
It is a little singular that the national ad
ministration should announce its readiness to
furnish riot cartridges to the various state admin
istrations justat the time when republican lead
ers are boasting of universal prosperity, universal
contentment and universal approbation of repub
lican policies. The very discussion of a riot cart
ridge is suggestive of conditions that need rem
edying. Victor Hugo haB described tho mob as
tho human race in misery," and it is as import
ant that mobs should be prevented as that they
should bo dispersed. Is it not an indication of
the application of tho imperialistic idea to do
mestic conditions, that the administration should
spend more time devising means to put down a
mob than it does in devising remedies for tho
evils that lead to the formation of mobs?
Imperialism rests on 'force rather than jus
tice; imperialism coerces rather than persuades;
Imperialism, instead of curing evils, compels' silent
submission to those evils. The republican party
today Is loading tho masses with taxation while
it permits great aggregations of wealth to plunder
with impunity. When reminded that there may
be clashes between labor and capital, instead of
providing boards of arbitration lor the settlement
of conditions, it prepares riot cartridges for dis
tribution; instead of destroying government by
injunction It prepares to back up the judge with
the army, while he uses the courts to enforce tho
demands of tho employer as against tho claims of
the employe.
And yet a sleeping people must bo awakened
and it may be that the riot cartridge will do what
reason and logic have failed to accomplish. If
the rank and file of the republican party aro not
ready to adminiater a rebuke to tho leaders of the
party their decision may bo hastened when they
are brought face to face with the horrid realities
lor which the administration seems 'to be pre
paring. Tho democratic party is sometimes accused
of being radical. As a matter of fact, it la tho
conservative element in tho country today. It
Becks to apply well settled principles to gross
evils; it seeks to preserve law and order by the
most effective means; namely, the establishment
of justice. TheV republican party, on the other
hand, boasts of Its love of law and order, and yet
it fosters and promotes injustice and favoritism'
The democratic party has been accused of be
' ing hostile to tho well-td-do. This indictment is
as absurd as it is false The democratic party is
the best friend of honestly acquired wealth, ami by
attempting to protect each person in the enjoy
" ment of that which he earns it offers the greatest
stimulus both to industry and to thrift. The re
publican party, on the other hand, by confusing
wealth acquired by spoliation with wealth ac
quired by brain and muscle, is liable to bring
upon honest accumulations an odiumHhat ought
,to bo reserved for predatory wealth.
' It is to be hoped that the riot cartridges will
never be needed, but the mere issuing of them
ought to educate tho people to the gloomy and
melancholy end of republican theories and re-
publican policies.
Defend Democratic Principles.
Reports received by The Commoner show that
the work of organization among democrats for
the protection of the party and the preservation
of democratic principles is progressing at a grati
fying rate.
While the organs' of the reorganizes are
preaching "harmony," they are insisting that men
who subscribe to tho democratic national platform
must have no voice in the democratic convention
of 1904. These gentlemen have worked themselves
up to the point where thoy are bold enough to de
clare that devotion to the principles set forth in
the democratic platform is thoroughly "undemo
cratic." Indeed,, the New York World, in a re
cent issue, went so far as to say that a certain
man who did not subscribe to the platform, but
who in 1900 is . said to have1 voted the ticket,
would not bo a strong candidate for the reor
ganizes to present, because the fact that ho had
supported the ticket in 1900 would be to his dis
advantage. In tho1 view of these gentlemen, then, the real
democrat is the man 'who has not only repudiated
the party platform, but who has voted against tho
party candidates. In the view of thesp gentle
men, the real democrat has so conducted himself
as to win 'the approval of J.1 Pierpont Morgan
and other trust magnates. To be sure, the or
gans of the reorgapizers. do not frankly admit
this much, although their arguments in favor of
reorganization and. relating to the work to be per
formed by the democratic convention of 1904 is
clearly susceptible to this Interpretation.
Henuy Watterson, who advocates practically
the same things favored by Grover Cleveland,
seems to. be very much alarmed lest Miv Cleve
land become the nominee. It cannot be doubted
that the leaders of the reorganizes, would prefer
Mr. Cleveland as the nominee and it must be ad
mitted that he is the logical candidate; and yet
even though time shall demonstrate that it is not
good policy to urge Mr. Cleveland's candidacy, it
may be depended upon that tho candidate agreed
upon by the reorganizers will represent the same
nmuences ana tne same policies that dominateu
Mr. Cleveland's second administration..
In a recent newspaper interview, Senator Mor
gan of Alabama said that he was willing to wel
come to the democratic party the prodigal sons
and ho insisted that there was no reason for clos
ing the democratic doors in the faces of penitent
men. But there is nothing to indicate that these
men have repented. On the contrary, they boast
of their repudiation of the democratic platform
and the democratic ticket. In the Courier-Journal
of Wednesday, April, 8, Mr. Watterson has
an editorial in which ho says:.
"The editor of the' Courier-Journal has
nothing to regret except a series of disasters,
for which he was nowise responsible. Look
ing back over that record, ho asserts that,
from first to-last, he, and those democrats
with whom ho acted, were right, and that
events have amply vindicated them." -This,
then, is the spirit of the reorganization
now undertaken by tho men who deserted the
democratic party. They do not come as peni-
JJ ?? resent thQ imputation that they aro
in tno attitude of the prodigal son. They assert,
i -ll"PaSe of Mr. Watterson, that from first
ovJ? ,thy werG riSllt an that events havo
amply vindicated them. As a matter of fact, none
SLii pi?lic1- for whIch tuey stood have been
" nnL' I711110 at tllIs very moment they aro
2 4i in ,(leclfliming loudly against the party
ihnJ !ey holpQd t0 Place n Power, thoy charge
thSn?af ?fiy Is "rotten to tllG core" and that
tue administration is controlled by selfish inter-