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Volume 3, Number '4.
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l)ohaW, romovablo only by conviction, on jm
Inoachraont, for somo crlroo or misdemeanor',
. ' According to Hamilton's plan tho senatowaa
to consist of porsona choson by electors "olectcd
for that purposo by tho citizens and Inhabitants of
the several states," and tben bo proceeds to fix a
property qualification for tho electors who are to
cIioobo tho senators. They must have "In their
own right or In tho right of their wives, an es
tato in land for not less than life or a term of
ytcarfl whoreof, at tho tlmo of giving their votes,
there shall bo at least fourteen years unexpired."
Not only did bo want tho president to hold
ofllco for llfo (unless Impeached), not only did ho
want sonators to hold ofllco for llfo (unless im
peached), and elected by electors having a pre
scribed property qualification, but articlo 8, sec
tion 1, of his plan provided "that tho governor of
president of each stato shall bo appointed under
tho authority of tho United States and shall havo
a right to nogativo all laws about to bo passod in
'tho stato of which ho shall bo governor or presi
dent, subject to such qualifications and regulations
as tho legislature of tho United States shall pre
scribe" Section 2, of tho same articlo, provides that
"each governor or president of a stato shall hold
ofllco until a successor bo actually appointed, un
less ho dio or resign, or bo romoved from ofllco by
conviction on impeachment" It will bo seen
that Mr. Hamilton wanted llfo terms In tho fed
oral government and also wantod tho federal gov
ornmont to nppolnt the governors of tho states
who wero to havo a voto over stato legislation, and
thoso govornors, unless they resigned or wero
Impeached, should hold ofllco during llfo unless
tho federal authorities saw fit to suporsodo them.
Tho pcoplo of the stato had no authority in the
master whatever.
But why this dispute as to tho views of Alex
ander Hamilton? . The record Is clear, and thero
la no oxcuso for misunderstanding It. Tho trouble
Is simply this: Hamlltondid not beliovo in a re
publican form of government. It is so stated on
page 241 of tho Madison papers. Hero is the lan
guago used: "Ho acknowledged himself not to
think favorably of republican government; but i
addressed his remarks to those who did think fav
orably of it, in order to prevail on them to tono
their government as high as possible."
Hamilton's distrust of tho people manifested
Itself at overy turn. On pago 203 of tho Madison
papers will bo found a report of his speech in tho
convontlon in which ho pralsod the English houso
of lordB, as "a most noblo Institution," and added,
"Having nothing to hopo for by a change, and a
sufficient interest, by means of their property, in
boing faithful to tho national interest, they form
a permanout barrier against evory pomiclous in
novation, whether attempted on tho part of tho
crown or of tho commons. No temporary senate
will havo firmness onough to answer tho purpose,"
Ho argued that a seven-yoar term for tho sen
ators would not bo sufficient to give tho senate an
"adequate firmness," and said that thoso favoring
a soven-yoar term did not duly consider tho
"amazing violonco and turbulonco of tho demo
cratic spirit." On tho same pago ho argued that
a, government could not bo good unless it had a
good executive, saying: "The English model was
tho only good ono on this subject. The hereditary
Interest of tho king was so Interwoven with that
of the nation, and his personal emolument so
groat, that ho was placed' above tho danger of be
ing corrupted from abroad; and at tho same tlmo
was )joth sufficiently independent and sufficiently
controlled, to answer tho purposo of the institu
tion at homo."
r His preference for life tenure was also al
luded to on the samo page as follows: "Lot one
branch of the legislature hold tholr places for
lire, or at least during' Rood 'bnhnvim t.1
executive, also, bo for life " ruavIor- Lt tho
Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, in his '.Llfo of
Al
UX
The Commoner.
namilfon (published by rioughton, Wflln & Co.,
BpstpnLaUs attention to tho, act that Haton
did not believo our constitution "equal to tho
burden imposed upon it," jthat ho "considered ,
the government too weak." Again Lodge says, on
pago 282: "Ho did not believo in democracy as a
system of government He strove with all his en
ergy to mako tho experiment of tho constitution
succeed, but ho doubted its merit at tho outset,
and finally came to tho conclusion that, in its ex
isting form, It was doomod to failure. He be
lieved in class influence and representation, in
strong government, and in what, for want of a
better phrase, may be called an aristocratic re
public." Hamilton's very death was duo to hislack of
faith in our form of government; ho was looking
for an uprising and thought that a strong man
would bo needed, and ho was to bo that strong
man. Ho fought the duel in which he died be
cause ho feared to refuso lest it should be attri
buted to cowardice and mako him useless in tho
crisis for which he was looking". Here is the
paper which Hamilton left giving his reason for
accepting the challenge. It Is quoted by Lodge
on pago 251:
"Tho ability to bo in future useful, whether
in resisting mischief or affecting good, in thoso
crises of our public affairs which seem likely
to happen, would- probably be inseparable
from a conformity with public prejudice in
this particular."
Tho republicans are today making Hamilton
their saint, and tho fact that they do so shows
that they are turning from tho democratic 're
public of Jefferson to the ''aristocratic republic"
of Hamilton. In. 1856 the republican national plat
form appealed to all who wanted "to carry the gov
ernment back to the principles of Washington and
Jefferson." In 1859 tho republicans of Boston cele
brated tho birthday of Thomas Jefferson, and Lin
coln, wrote his famous letter expressing regret that
ho could not attend tho meeting, and eulogizing
Jefferson. But that was in tho earlier days of im
perialism. Now republicans denounce Jeffe'rson as
a demagogue, ridicule his idea of government by
tho consent of tho governed, and pay their hom
age at the shrine of tho man who would have
made this government little less than a limited
monarchy.
No wonder the republicans wince when Ham
ilton's real views are brought out. But they
might as well get used to it; if they aro going to
favor imperialism in the Philippines they must
not bo squeamish about applying tho principles
of imperialism at home. They are admitting to
day charges that they indignantly denied a few
years ago, and it will not bo long before they
will be praising the most undemocratic utterances
of Hamilton as the highest evidence of states
manship. y
JJJ
Financiers Against Tariff Reform.
Hon. Flavius J. Van Vorhis of Indianapolis,
Ind., in an argument recently made, points out
that tho republicans have made the great finan
ciers pecuniarily interested in tho defeat of any
tariff reform legislation. He says that tho banks
are mnv using without interest a largo sum of
government money, approximating ?150,QQ0,000
and that they would havo to give up this money
and loso tho 'interest upon it if the surplus was
reduced by the lowering of revenue duties. Six
por pent interest .on $150,000,000 would yiold nino
millions; '5 per cent, seven millions and a half
This is a tremendous, sum, and operates, first, as
a bribe to. the banks to oppose any reduction of
tho surplus, and, second, it forms a fund from
which th republicans can draw1 in their cam
paigns. Surely, banks that receive as a gratuity
so large a sum in thV shape of interest each year
could afford to give, a very .considerable sum to
tho campaign fund every fcur ydars. If, for in-
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r.
stance, they gave tho equivalent of ono year's in
. -teLlorjhooportonity toqoflect four years'
interest, they would give to the republican cam
pa'ign 'funcj more' than twenty! times as. much as
tho democratic national committee has had In
either of the' campaigns of 18DC and 1900. The fact
that the elections can be carried by tho interest
collected on the people's money sjiows the jper
version of 'the national government, and ought to
mako honest republicans recognize thp abuse o
power of which tho republican- party has. been
guilty.
Mr. Van Vprhis has done the public a seryico
in pointing out the vital connection between' tho
republican method of running tho treasury depart
ment and tho opposition which the great finan
clers show to tariff reform. It will be remem
bered that in 1888 the republican national plat
form denounced Mr. Cleveland's administration for
doing the very same things, although on a less
scale, that tho republican administration is doing
now. The fact is that both the republican admin
istration and Mr. Cleveland's administration pur
chased the active support of the financiers with tho
loan of public funds.
JJJ
Natural Rights.
'A reader of The Commoner asks, "What ara
natural rights?" and says that some of his ac
quaintances declare that the whole theory of "nat
ural rights" died soon after the French revolution
The Declaration of Independence has reference to
natural rights when it declares that there are. cer
tain inalienable rights given by the Creator to ev
ery human being, and among these inalienable
rights are enumerated "life, liberty and the pur
suit of happiness." The right to life is not a
right given by the government or by society. It
is an inalienable right, and the taking of it can
not be defended except in self-defense- or where
it is taken by society because of somo-crime dono
against society. Those who oppose the - death'
penalty insist that even society has no right tq
take it, no matter what the crime.
Every individual has the right to liberty and
the pursuit of happiness, the only condition be
ing that ho shall not trespass upon the equal
rights of others.
The doctrine of natural rights is not yet ab
solute, and it is this doctrine .that will ultimately,
destroy imperialism and overthrow the imper
ialists. JJJ
Passes Unlawful.
Attorney General Cunneen of the state of
New York has, at the request of one of the legis
lators, prepared an opinion on the pass question!
Ho holds that according to the new constitution
it is a misdemeanor for a corporation to offer a
pass to a member of tho legislature, and that the
official would forfeit his ofllco if he accepted a
pass. The New York constitutional convention
deserves great credit for inserting the anti-pass
section in the constitution. It is a pity that ev-
STn? m. f n0t SUCh a constitutnal provision.
The political pass ought to be abolished and it is
to be regretted that congress voted down an anti
pass amendment offered when tho house was con
sidering the bill to raise the salaries of foderal
ou'hT'to I1"17 ? 0fflCialS Wh0 aw salaZ
SJv hh able t0 Pay railroa'd faro the
o Unary citizen and if he is not willing to pay
piss nn? T,Sht t0 b Cmpelled t0 d -o. The
Pass is not always a bribe, but it is issued by cor
porations that understand its value and it would
not be issued without a purpose. -
JJJ
bor, but a wn yh0BtllG to organized la
this specimen of n f onstItunal liberty." For
rrITh)-p.ui,,M. iimm,.,. i
ttmmmmit i ,,.
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