The Commoner.
WILLIAH J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
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Vol. a No, 46.
Lincoln, Nebraska, Dec. 5, 1902.
Whole No. 98.
THE DOCTRINE
OF DESTINY
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President Roosevelt went all the way to Mem
phis to join in welcoming General Luke B. "Wright
ipon the latter's return from the Philippines.
rhllo there the executive took occasion to exploit
lew the convenient theory of destiny which has
sn urged as an excuse for the permanent roton-
lon Of the Philippines. Ho said, among other
tings: "Whether we are glad or sorry that
livents have forced us to go there is aside from
tie question. The point is thaj:, as the Inevitable
result of the war with Spain, wo found ourselves
the Philippines, and that we could not leave
the islands without discredit"
The statement that "events have forced us"
exercise dominion over the Philippine islands Is
)t true. The demand made by this government
r the islands was not a rorcoa one so iar as
w? ''ittfisRs were concerned. It was purely voluntary, and
ttA.i&'C9!$ . . ... -t
e demand was made because or tne supposed
kcunlary advantage that the islands would bo to
Immediately after the victory of Manila the
esidc.it began inquiring about the resources of
e islands and influential exponents of the lm-
rialistic doctrine have constantly paraded .the
financial advantage of "our new possessions."
The treaty with Spain should have provided
for the Independence of the lnipplne islands as
it provided for th independence of Cuba. The
f failure to make provision for independence was
the first mistake on the part of the administra
tion, but that mistake could have been cured by a
declaration of the nation's purpose to give inde
pendence to the Filipinos. The ratification of the
treaty did not compel us to hold the islands, and
the senate,, after the ratification of the treaty,
came within one vote of passing a resolution prom
ising independence. It required- the vote of the
republican vice president to defeat this resolu
tion. Then the McEnery resolution was supported
by nearly all the republicans who voted for the
ratification of the treaty, and that resolution de
clared that the question of disposition was left
to the future determination of congress.
Ever since that time the opponents of imper
ialism have been endeavoring to secure a dec
laration of purpose on the part of congress, but
the republicans, have refused to disclose their
plans or to admit that they had any. Under the
excuse that we were coerced by events, our gov
ernment has proceeded to kill thousands of Fili
pinos and to dispose of their land. Because they
have asserted the doctrine set forth in cur own
Declaration of Independence and refused to rec
ognize u title based upon purchase or force, they
have been called insurrectionists and have befp
put to the sword. . -
When Spain, under- compulsion, c&ded us the
Philippine islands she gave us only a quit claim
deed; she simply relinquished her claim upon
them, but could no more convey title to them
than the king of Spain could convoy to an Ameri
can citizen valid title to a Spanish subject. When
the United States accepted title it accepted It in
trust for the Filipinos, just as a man who takes a
stolen horse away from a thief holds It as trustos
for the real owner. If a man catches a horse thfet
in 'the act of leading away a horse" from a neigh-
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bor's barn and rescues the horse he cannot say to
his neighbor that, finding the horse valuable, ho
feels forced by events to keep it And yot if ho
did so his conduct would bo no more absurd or
indefensible than tho conduct of the administra
tion In trying to lay upon circumstances tho re
sponsibility for the establishment of a colonial pol
icy. Tho president lays great stress upon stron
uousness, and is credited with much physical
courage. If he has the moral courage to announce
and defend the principles which underlie Imperial
ism lot him ceaso to hide behind manufactured
circumstances; let him boldly condemn tho doc
trine of government by the consont of the gov
erned. Let him say: "Wo are bigger than the
Filipinos and can whip them, thereforo we are en
titled to anything that they havo." And when
he has applied tho doctrine of highway robbery
to nations, let him draw tho lino between such
a principle applied to governmental affairs and
the same principle applied to individuals. When
he attempts to distinguish between force as the
foundation of national expansion and force as tho
foundation of Individual acquisition he will begin
to realize what imperalism really means.
JJJ
J The Crumpacker Resolution
The Courier-Journal warns the president
against attempting to pass tho Crumpacker bill
which would lessen the suffrage of the south
where tho blacks have been excluded by suffrage
qualifications. The president does not need tho
warning. Ho Is wise enough to know that the
Crumpacker bill is for campaign purposes only. It
is necessary to keep up some show of interest
in the colored vote in order to have something to
point to at election time, but the republican lead
ers know that the passage of tho Crumpacker bill,
while reducing tho democratic representation in
the south would more than ffset it by reducing
the republican majorities in the north. It would
be notice to the colored voter that his political
status had been settled and ho would feel under
no more obligation to the republican party.
Without, the negro vote in the north many
districts and oven states would be in doubt, and
the republican leaders know this. Thp Crumpacker
bill need not disturb southern democrats.
JJJ
A Successful Leader.
On another page will be found a Chicago Amer
ican editorial upon the literary and oratorical
merit of some of the utterances of President Mitch
ell of the mine workers' association. Tho follow
ing paragraph quoted by the American is cer
tainly an example of clearness, force and energy.
Mr. Mitchell combines in an unusual degree the
elements of a successful leader of men. He says:
"It was the united mine workers of Ameri
ca that conferred with the president of tho
United States In relation to the submission
of the issues involved in the coal strike; It was
the united mine workers of America that was
requested by the president to end the strike;
it was the united mine workers of America
that declared the strike at an end; it was the
united mine workers of America that sent the
men back to work; and It l the united mine' .
workers of America that is pledged to accept
' the award of this commission."
CLEVELAND ON
DEMOCRACY
On another page will bo found an artlclo writ
ten by ox-President Grover Clovelaud for tho Now
York World, and editorially indorsed by that pa
por. It is reproduced entire that tho readers of
Tho Commoner may know tho views and purposes .
of tho rcorganizers, as presented by tho chief re
organizer. In deciding what woight to glvo to Mr, Cleve
land's opinion wo cannot ignore tho part which
ho has played In recent contests which havo re
sulted In defeat
Ho speaks of tho "old-timo success" of the
party and yet ho not only did all ho could to do
feat tho party In 1890, but ho had tho mortifica
tionfrom which ho has never recovered of see
ing tho ticket poll about a million more votos when
he opposed It than It did when ho was tho candi
date four years before with a united party behlnl
him. The gold democratic ticket which he pro
tended to support in 1896 while ho actually threw
his influence to the republican ticket only secure!
one hundred and thirty thousand votes in the en
tiro country. If Mr. Cleveland and his followers
demand positions of leadership, let them bring
indorsements that bear democratic signatures.
Thoy are relying at present upon republican recom
mendations and tho only recent successes to which
they havo contributed aro tho republican successes
which they now promise to overturn on condition
that the democratic party will become tho servile
tool of tho .financial interests that dominate the
republican party.
But If Mr. Cleveland's record did not estop
him entirely from offering advice to the democratic -party
it would show conclusively that he is In
sincere in putting forward tariff reform, imperial
ism and tho trust question as tho most important
issues. In 1900 tho democratic party declared for
tariff reform, denounced imperialism and not only
declared a private monopoly to bo Indefensible and
intolerable, but pointed out a remedy for trusts.
Did this platform setting forth exactly what ho
pretends to desire win tho support of Mr. Cleve
land? Not at all. Why? Because there is an
other question which to him is of paramount im
portance, namely, tho money question. He now
discourses ponderously about "aggressive expan
sion," but when tho test came he preferred a gold
standard empire to a bimetallic republic. He
seems very solicitous about tariff reform and yet
ho preferred tho high priest of protection on a
Wall street financial platform to an advocate of
tariff reform running On a platform to which the
money power was opposed.
He professes to bo alarmed at the growth of "
tho trust evil, but ho preferred to join with the
financiers to protect tho trusts rather than join
with the democrats to destroy the trusts. True to
tho intorests of financial backers he studiously
avoids all reference to the currency question, not
because he is ignorant of tho schemes that the
money trust has on foot, but because his part la
te divert attention to other issues while they se- .
euro still further advantage. He entertains the
fam.My on the front porch while his financial con
federates plunder tho house from the rear.
If the reorganizes regain possession (a po-
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