The Commoner.
..... v WILLIAH J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
feu.
Vol. 2. No. 38.
Lincoln, Nebraska, Oct. 10, 1902.
Whole No. 90.
(President Roosevelt flust Act
The president -was fully justified in calling a
conference of the mine owners and strikers at the
White house. The situation was serious and the
executive well and forcibly presented the people's
side in his statement, which was as follows:
"I wish to call your attention to the fact
that there are three parties affected by the
situation in the anthracite trade the opera
tors, the miners and the general public I
speak, for neitner the operators nor the min
ers, but for the general public. The questions
at issue which led to the situation affect im
mediately the parties concerned the operators
and the miners but the situation itself "vital
ly affects the public. As long as there
seemed td be reasonable hope that these mat
ters could be adjusted between the parties, it
did not seem proper for mo to intervene in
any way. I disclaim any right or duty to inter
fere in this way upon legal' grounds or upon
any official relation that I bear to the situa
tion; but the urgency and the terrible nature
of the catastrophe impending over a large por
tion of our people in the shape of a winter
fuel famine impel mo, after1 much anxious
thought, to believe" that my duty requires mo
to use whatever influence I personally can
to bring to an end a situation'which has be-
qorae literally intolerable,
into an agreement to fix prices and production
in violation of the anti-trust law, lot him enforce
the law not merely tne injunction part, but tho
criminal part also. If present laws are not suffic
ient, let -him call congress together and enact now
laws. The emergency is sufficient to justify It If
ho does not want to Interfere with tho canvass of
those members who are candidates for re-election
he can issue the call at once and have congress
convene immediately after tho election, but if ho
wants to get tho best service he will have them
act before the election so that their own politi
cal interests as well as the public welfare will
compel them to act promptly.
If he will issue tho call and In the call name
specific and effective l. ensures to be considered it
is more than probable that tho strikers would agree '
to go back to work at tho old wages pending ac
tion by congress. Tho situation would thus bo
relieved and the danger of a fuel famine removed.
' There are nvo measures which ho should
recommend to congress:
First A law establishing a national board of
arbitration consisting of three or five members
is of so low a grado that it is taxed undor our
tariff laws.
Fifth A law which 111 prevent railroads en
gaged in interstate commerco from operating coal
mines except for tho purposo of supplying fuel for
their own englnos. No railroad can fix rates on
coal with fairness and impartiality if It is on
gaged in competition with mine owners who have
no railroads.
All these measures, except tho last ono, are ad
vocated in tho Kansas City platform, and the last
is in harmony with tho general principles laid
down in that platform. If tho president knows
of any bettor measures, lot him suggest them; if
ho does not, ho snould bo broad enough to adopt
tho measures suggested by his political opponents.
Of course, tho president understands that his
political future depends largely upon the stand
ho takes in this great contest between greed and
human rights, but if ho Is a bravo man he will
take tho people's side and risk tho hostility of or
ganized weauh. Ho nears tho call of duty, ho ha
put "his hand to tho plow," and ho cannot turn
back without forfeiting tho confidence of hun-
, "areas of. thousands who, In spite of his record of
-Wwish,to..emphasIze the characteroUhpi---. kffd rVnbf t-on allcbntroversleB De-'&"ffis ng, " "ft. ".?1 w, , X
situation and to say that its gravity to' such - consider ad report on,aI "f1 fJf " Inactivity and his ambiguous ,speechesrstm
that I am constrained urgently to insist that tween corporations engaged In interstate com- lloyo Wm to hQ ,n BynJpatny wlth tho to
each one of ym realize the heavy burden of
responsibility unon him. We are upon the
threshold of winter, with an already existing
coal famine, the future terrors of which wo
can fiardly yet appreciate. The evil possibili
ties are so far reaching, so appalling, that it
geems to me tnat you are not only justified In
sinking, but required to sink, for the time
hjeing any tenacity as to your respective
claims in the matter at issue between you. In
my judgment, the equation imperatively re
quires that you meet upon the common plane
of tjie necessities of the public. With all the
Earnestness there is In me I ask that there be
an immediate resumpuon of operations In the
coal mines in some, such way as will without a
day's unnecessary delay meet the crying needs
of the people.
"I do not in,vite a discussion of your re-
spective claims and positions. I appeal to your
patriotism, to the spirit that sinks personal
considerations and 'akes individual sacrifices
for the general good."
The president deserves and should receive com-
tiendation for his effort to save the people from
tho horrors of a fuel famine, but what will he do
now? The miners offer to 'arbitrate, but the only
proposition made by the coal barons is that the
president shall send down United States soldiers to
protect them while they work the mines with such
non-union men as they can find.
Having recognized and described the serious
ness of the situation the president must proceed
and use all the means in his power to settle the
strike and bring about a resumption of work. He
cannot stop now without disappointing the hopes
which he Taised by calling a conference. What
can he do? The republican platform presents no
plan. Will he have the statesmanship to devise a
plan? If not, will he have the moral courage to
adopt democratic measures which have already
received the indorsement of more than six mil
lions of people? '. -'
"lfas?sjlegedthe mine owners have entered
merce and their employes. The Kansas City plat
form demands an arbitration law and if the demo
crats had won, the minors' appeal for arbitration,
would not bo futile .s it is now. The law should
compel the board to act whenever either party to
the controversy demanded, it and the president
should be empowered to add to the board two
temporary members, one to be recommended by
each side in the case to be considered.
Second A law abolishing government by in
junction. This is another remedy suggested by
the Kansas City platform. The mine owners want
to use government by injunction to coerce their
employes. Let the president answer their do
. mand by recommending a law which will give the
accused a trial by jury where tho contempt is
committed outside of the court room. Such a bill
passed the senate a few years ago before tho cor
porations were aware of it, but since the republi
cans regained control tho measure has been
smothered in committee. Why deny to a striking
coal miner the constitutional right guaranteed to
the meanest criminal in the land?
Third A law that will discriminate between
the natural man created by the Almighty and tho
corporate giant created by legislation. Let the
toiling
masses.
JJJ
Shaw's Treasury Policy.
4
In 1888 tho republican party denounced the
democratic policy of loaning tho government
money without Interest to "pot banks." Today
the republican party Is loaning more government
money without interest to "pot banks" than was
loaned at the time when the platform of 1888 waa
written. In fact, the present secretary of the
treasury has gone far beyond any previous secre
tary in responding to tho wishes and advancing
the interest of "pet banks." The partiality shown
by the treasury department toward the Rockefeller
bank in New York is already well known;
letter written to the secretary of tho treasury by
ono of the officials of that bank demanded favors
on tho ground that the bank had assisted the re-
- publican party in the campaign.
But the recent rulings of Secretary Shaw go
beyond anything that has heretofore been known.
It is gross favoritism to let the banks have gov
ernment money for nothing In order that they
may loan it out to their customers at the usual
rate of interest The fact that they give bond
natural man of one state do business in every t for security has nothing to do with It, because they
otuer state if he choses, but whenever any state
creates a corporation large enough to monopolize
an industry, let that corporation be shut up in
the state of Its origin; let It be denied the use of
the mails,- the railroads and the telegraph lines
and it can be destroyed. This Is the Kansas City
platform remedy for the trusts and it is the only
remedy proposed.
FourthA law taking the .tariff off' of coal.
It has been generally supposed that anthracite
coal was on the free list, but most of the anthracite
which cornea intxTcompetitlon- with our anthracite $
draw interest on the bonds at tho same time that
they draw interest on the government money
which they are permitted to loan out Hereto
fore the government deposit has been considered
like any other deposit, and the banks in reserve
cities have been compelled to keep 25 per cent of
it on hand as in the case of other money. But
' New York banks had loaned out so much money
1 on the watered stock of the trusts that they were
' not prepared for any shrinkage In their deposits,
and the government at once went to their aid, and.
by an order of tne secretary relieved them from