The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, September 26, 1902, Page 15, Image 15

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    The Commoner.
Sept. 26, 190a -
15
Nebraska wont to sell hig wheat and
to exchange" the price he obtained for
It for woolen clothing, he would get
as much woolen clothing as the Eng
lish farmer would get for the same
amount of wheat when he went to ex
change his product You remember the
answer. There was no direct answer,
but, like my friend from New York
(Mr. Raines), ho spurned the present
and soared with outstretched wings in
to the disrtial future, and told us that
if we got free trade, then he would
not I ask, how is it'today? "We have
had enough of your prophecies. We
want to come down and find what are
doing now.
His answer, if it was an answer,
must bo construed to mean that while
the farmer in Nebraska had to pay
more wheat for the same amount of
clothes than the English farmer, he
got It back in other ways. That, be
ing surrounded by the benefits of pro
tection, he absorbed through his skin
what ho paid out of his pocket Liv
ing in -an atmpsphere of protection,
forced upon this country by philan
thropists who tell you, as the gentle
man from Massachusetts (Mr. Walker)
did, that free trade would help manu
facturers but he so loves the great
.mass of the people that ho does not
dare to give himself the benefit liv
ing surrounded by these elevated
minds, you breathe In an atmosphere
that far more than compensates for all
you lose.
Now, there are two arguments which
have never heard -advanced In favor
,of protections but they are the best
arguments. They admit a fact and
. justify tt, and i think that is the best
way to argue, if you hayev a- fact to
meet Why not say to the farmer,
"Yes, of course you lose; but does not
the Bible say, 'It is more blessed to
give than to xeceive,' and If you suffer
,gomo in.Qony,enience, just Joolc back
over your life and- you -will find that
your happiest moments were enjoyed
when you "were giving something to
somebody, and the most unpleasant
moments were when you were receiv
ing." These manufacturers are self
sacrificing. They are willing to take
the lesser part, and the more unpleas
ant business of receiving, and leave to
you the greater joy of giving.
Why do they not take the other the
ory, which is borne out by history
that all nations which have grown
strong powerful and influential, just
, as individuals have done it, through
hardship, toil and sacrifice, and that
after they have become wealthy they
have been enervated, they have gone to
decay through the enjoyment of lux
.ury, and that the great advantage of
tne protective system is that it, goes
around among the people and gathers
up their surplus earnings so that they
will not be enervated or weakened,
so that no legacy of evil will be left to
their children. Their surplus earn
ings ar collected up, and the great
mass of our people are left strong, ro
bust and hearty. These earnings are
garnered and put into the hands of
. just as few people as possible, so that
the injury will be limited in extent
t And they say, "Yes, of course, of
. course; it makes dudes of our sons,
and it does, perhaps, compel us to buy
foreign titles for our daughters, but
t of course if the .great body of the peo
ple are benefited, as good, patriotic
citizens we ought not to refuse to bear
. the burden."
Why do they not do that? They sim
ply come to you and tell you that they
want a high tariff to make low prices,
so that the manufacturer will be able
to pay targe (parages to his employes.
And then, they want a high tariff on
agricultural products, so that they will
' have to buy what they buy at the
highest possible price. They tell you
that a tariff on wool is for the benefit
of the farmer, and goes into his pock
et, but that the tariff tn manufactured
products goes into the farmer's pocket,
too, "arid really hurts us, but wo will f
stand it if we must." They are much
like "a certain maiden lady of uncer
tain age, who said, "This being the
third time that my beau has called, he
might make somo affectionate demon
stration;" and, summing up all her
courage, she added, "I havo made up
my mind that If ho does I will bear it
with fortitude."
Mr. Chairman (looking at tho clock
cries of "Go on!"), If there Is no lim
it to your patience there-is a limit to
my strength, and I will not claim
your attention much longer. But I
desire to say here, Mr. Chairman
Mr. Bushnell. Let the committee
rise, and close in the morning.
Mr. Bryan. I prefer to finish tonight
If gentlemen are willing to Hston.
I desire to say, Mr. Chairman, that
thd republican party, which is respon
sible for the present system, has stol
en from the vocabulary one of its
dearest words and debased its use. Its
orators havo prated about homo in
dustries while they have neglected the
most important of home industries
tho home of the citizen. Tho demo
cratic party, so far from being hostile
to the home industries, is the only
champion, unless ' our friends here,
the Independents, will join with .us, of
the real homo industry of this coun
try. When some young man selects a
young woman who Is willing to trust
her future to his strong right arm,
and they start to huild a little home,
that home which is the unit of society
and upon which our government and
our prosperity must rest when they
start to build this little home, and the
man who sells the lumber reaches
out his hand to collect a tariff upon
"that; the man who sells paints and oils
wants a tariff upon them; the man
who furnishes the carpets, tablecloths,
knives, forks, dishes, furniture, spoons,
everything that enters Into the con
struction and operation of that home
when all these hands, I say, are
stretched out from every direction of
that home when all these hands, I
say, are stretched out from every di
rection to lay their blighting weight
upon that cottage, and the democratic
party says, "Hands off, and let that
home industry live," it Is protecting
the grandest home industry that this
or any other nation ever had.
And I am willing that you, our
friends on the other side, shall have
what consolation you may gain from
the protection of those "homo Indus
tries" which have crowned with pala
tial residences the hills of New Eng
land, if you will simply give us the
credit of being the champions of the
homes of this land. It would seem
that jf any appeal could find a listen
ing ear in this legislative hall it ought
to be the appeal that comes up from
those co-tenants of earth's only para
dise; but your party has neglected
them; more, It has spurned and spit
upon them. When they asked for bread
you gave them a stone, and when they
asked for a fish you gave them a ser
pent You have laid upon them bur
dens grievous to be borne. You have
filled their days with toil and their
nights with anxious care, and when
they cried aloud for relief you were
deaf to their entreaties.
It is said that when Ulysses was ap
proaching the island of the Sirens,
warned beforehand of their seductive
notes, he put wax into the ears of his
sailors and then strapped himself to
the mast of the ship, so that, hearing,
he could not heed. So our friends upon
tho other side tell us that there is de
pression in agriculture, and a cry has
come up from tho people; but tho lead
ers of your party have, as it were,
filled with wax the ears of their asso
ciates, and then have so tied them
selves, by promises made before the
election to the protected interests,
that, hearing, they can not heed.
Out in the west the people have been )
taught to worship this protection. It
has boon a god to many of them.' But
I believe, Mr. Chairman that tho timo
for worship has passed. It is said that
there is in Australia what It known as
tho cannibal tree. It grows not very
high, and spreads out its leaves like
great arms until they touch tho
ground. In tho top is a little cup,
and in that cup a mysterious kind of
honey. Somo of tho natives worship
tho tree ,and on their festive days they
gather around it, singing and dancing,
and then, as a part of their ceremony,
they select ono from their number,
and, at the point of spears, drive him
up over tho leaves onto the treo; ho
drinks of tho honey, ho becomes intoxi
cated as it were, and then those arms,
as if instinct with life, rise up; they
encircle him in their folds, and, as they
crush him to death, his companions
stand around shouting and singing for
Joy.
Protection has been our cannibal
tree, and as ono after another of our
farmers has been driven by tho force
of circumstances upon that tree and
nas been crushed within its folds his
companions havo stood around and
shouted, "Great Is protection!"
But the dream has passed, the night
fs gone, ani in tho east wo sec more
than tho light of coming day. A
marvelous change has taken place, and,
rising from tho political mourners'
benches throughout tho northwest,
their faces radiant with a new-found
joy, multitudes arc ready to declare
their allegiance to tho cause of tariff
reform.
And if you believe, gentlemen, as you
have so often professed to believe,
that your political disfigurement is
simply temporary, or If you console
yourselves with tho idea that tho Lord
is only chastising those whom ho loves
if so, it is tuo most affectionate de
monstration" known to political his
tory you are making a grave mistake.
We have heard from that side of the
house twice, I think, recently that
"truth Is eternally triumphant" That
is true; and while the proposition may
describe the success of the democratic
party in 1890 and give us encourage
ment to hope that that success will
continue, I want to suggest to our
friends over there a quotation that is
far more appropriate to describe tho
condition of tho republican party. It
is this: "Though justice has leaden
feet, It has an iron hand!" You rioted
in power, you mocked the supplication
of the people, you denied their peti
tions, and now you have felt their
wrath. At last justice has overtaken
you, and now you are suffering the
penalty that must sooner or later over
take tho betrayer of a public trust
I believe, Mr. Chairman, that the
overthrow of the republican party is.
not temporary, but permanent As the
poet has beautifully expressed it:
Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise
again;
Th' eternal years of God are
hers;
But error, wounded, writhes in
pain,
And die3 among her worshipers.
Mr. Clarkson, high republican au
thority, has told us that the young
men, of the country are becoming dem
ocrats. Why? Becauso we are right
And when you find where tho young
men of the country are going, you can
rest assured that that party is going
to succeed. W?iy are we right? Be
cause, Mr. Chairman, we are demand
ing, for this people equal and exact jus
tice to every man, woman, and child.
Wo desire that tho laws of this coun
try shall not be made, as they have
been, to enable some men to get rich
and many to get poor.
I will append to my speech statis
tics from seven states, furnished by
tue census bureau, showing the propor
tion of those who in 1880 rented their
farms and the proportion who rented
in 1890. These statistics are only par
tial, embracing in some states only
fow counties. I was told by tho offi
cial, who gavo them to mo that they
might bo changed a littlo by verifica
tion, but that they were substantially
correct I want tho people of this
country to read these statistics and
understand what they mean. In ten
counties in tho state of Kansas tho
proportion of those renting thoir farm
roso from 13.13 in 1880 to 33.25 per cent
in 1890; G4.38 per cent of tho farm
aro mortgaged. Yet they tell us that
they aro protecting "infant Industries."
Why, sir, these mortgages aro held
in tho cast; and if these manufactur
ing states, when their industries aro
"infants," own themselves and havo
a mortgage on us, what is going to bo
tho result when they got full grown?
In Ohio in ten counties tho propor
tion of renters in 1880 was 24.9G per
cent; in 1890, 37.10 por cent In flvo
counties of-Virglnia in 1880 the pro
portion was 15.20 por cent; In 1890,
20.20 per cont; in Now York in eight
counties 18.20 per cent in 1880, 24 per
cont in 1890; in Massachusetts in ten
counties 6.70 per cent in 1880, and
14.20 per cent in 1890; in Rhode Isl
and in four counties 19.50 por cent in
1880, 23.25 per cent In 1890; in Maino
In six counties 2.50 per cent in 1880,
7.33 per cent in 1890.
Thus in every state, so far as theso
statistics have been collected, tho pro
portion of home-owning farmers is de
creasing and that of tenant farmers
increasing. This means but one thing;
it means a land of landlords and ten
ants; and, backed by tho history of
every nation that has gone down, I
say to you that no people can continue
a free pcoplo under a free govern
ment when the great majority of its
citizens are tenants of a small minor
ity. Your system has driven tho farm
qwnerfrom his land and substituted
the farm tenant " "
Mr. Chairman, Just a word more, and
I am through. You can, If you like,
build up these "infant industries," If
your country is willing to pay tho
price. A good many years ago a col
ored man, whoso child had the whooping-cough,
went to his physician and
laid the matter before him. Tho doc
tor looked very wise for a moment
and then said: "Take three hairs out
of the back of your mule and lay
them ca the child; you will cure tho
child, but you will kill tho mule." The
man thought of his love for his child
and his need for the mule, and said:
"Doctor, I'se poor; I can't afford ter
lose de mule." Yes, my friQnds, you
can build up your "infant industries"
If you are willing to risk tho destruc
tion of the people. But I say that tho
country is poor; it cannot afford" to
lose its common people; It cannot
spare the men who will thus be sacri
ficed. Well has the poet said:
111 fares the land, to hastening Ills
a prey.
Where wealth accumulates, and
men decay.
Princes and lords may flourish or
may fade
A breath can make them, as a
breath has made;
But a bold peasantry,, their coun
try's pride,
When once destroy'd, can never b
supplied.
Wo cannot afford to destroy tho
peasantry of this country. We cannot
afford. to degrade tho common people
of this land, for they are tho people
who in time of prosperity and peace
produce the wealth of the country, and
they are also the people who In time
of war bare their breasta to a hostile
fire in defense of the flag. Qo to Ar
lington or to any of the national ceme
teries, see there the plain white monu
ments which mark the place "where
rest the ashes of the nation's count
less dead," those of whom the poet
has so beautifully written:
On Fame' eternal camping ground
their silent tents are spread,.
Who were they? Were they the ben-