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Vol; 9rNo. 3f.
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adopted tho moro simple couim Thoy appealed
to congress to propose ono specific amondmont
.that provldod for tho election of United States sen
ators by tho people. Had congress proposod this
amondmont It would, after ratification by tho leg
islatures of throe-fourths of tho states, have be
come a part of tho constitution.
A republican sonatc did rofuso to adopt this
more simple plan, and becauso of this refusal,
and in tho prosonco of tho very plain public sen
timent on this proposition, It is fair to say that
"tho republican senate has refused to grant the
demand of tho people for tho election of United
States senators by direct vote."
Tho Journal says:
It is desirable that tho present system of
cloctlng senators should bo rotaincd. It pre-
serves our organic form of government and
maintains a highor level of dignity, honesty
and ability in tho upper house of congress
than might bo secured if popular elections ,
woro made tho rule.
The election of sonators by popular voto would
not disturb our organic form of government That
Is a favorite claim made by tho opponents of this
plan, but thoy have never boon able to provide in
telligent defense for tho claim.
Tho interesting statement made by tho Jour
nal is that tho prosont system "maintains a higher
level of dignity, honesty, and ability in tho upper
house of congress than might bo secured if pop
ular elections were made tho rule." In the pres
ence of the record relating to tho election of
multi-millionaires to tho United States senate and
tho manipulation of legislatures in tho Interest of
senatorial candidates who have no other claim
than that thoy arc backed by tho corporations, what
Intelligent man will agree with tho Journal that
the present system maintains "a higher level of
dignity, honesty and ability in the upper house of
congress than might be secured if "popular elec
tions were made .the. rule?", . . A,
' If that is true with respect to the members of
the United States senate, why not adopt a similar
plan with respect to tho members of corfgress?
Why not abolish popular elections altogether, and
by abolishing- popular elections thus ' secure "a
-higher level of dignity, honesty, and ability?"
Upon one point there will bo general agree
ment with tho Journal. This republican paper
says that "it is absurd to represent that anybody
can stand between the people and their object
if they really desire to make a change in this sys
tem, or in any other part of the federal consti
tution." This is quite true so far as the final re
sult is concerned. Certain influential republican
leaders have stood between the people and their
object on tho question of the election of United
States senators, but in time tho people will have
their way. f
JJJ
Liberty's Golden Beams.
Referring to Henry Grattan, tho famous cham
pion of liberty, some ono said: "Ho wore himself
out with labors in behalf of Ireland."
Grattan said many things that may be applied
to the situation in the United States today. To
the imperialist's contention that we are the cus
todians of tho liberty of tho people of our new
possessions, Grattan furnished an Interesting re
ply when, in a speech delivered May 26, 1800, ho
said: "I will trust the people with the custody
of tholr own liberty; but I will trust no people
with tho custody of any liberty other than their
own, whether that people be Rome, Athens, or
Britain.".
On the question of expediency, Grattan, In a
speech delivered April 19, 1800, said: "Sir, 'ex
pedient' is a word of appropriated and tyrannical
import; 'expedient' is an ill-omened word selected
to express the reservation of authority while tho
exercise Is mitigated; 'expedient' is the ill-omened
expression of the .repeal of tho American stamp
act. England thought It 'expedient' to repeal that
law; happy had it been for mankind if when she
The Commoner.
withdrew the exercise oho had not reserved tho
right! To that reservation she owes the loss of
her American empire, at the expense of millions
and America tho seeking of liberty through tho
sea of bloodshed."
As to the claim that a "debt of gratitude" re
quires payment by the people of our new posses
sions, Grattan furnished an answer, when he said:
"A nation's liberty cannot, likelier treasures, bo
moted and parcelled out in gratitude; no man may
bo grateful or liberal of his conscience, nor woman
of her honor, nr nation of her liberty; there are
certain unimpartible, Inherent, invaluable prop
erties, not to be alienated from the person, whether
body politic or body natural."
Tho imperialist frequently points to former
violations of our fundamental law as justification
for his course. On this point Gratton said: "That
there' aro precedents against us I allow acts of
power I would, call them, not precedents; and I
answer tho English pleading such precedents, as
they answered their kings when thoy urged pre
cedents against the liberty of England Such
things are tho weakness of the times; the tyranny
of ono side, the feebleness of the other, the law of
neither; we will not be bound by them; or rather
in the words of tho declaration of right: 'No
doing, judgment proceeding or otherwise to tho
contrary, shall be brought into precedent or. ex
ample.' Do not, then, tolerate a power tho power
of tho British parliament over tho land, which
has no foundation in utility or necessity, or em
pire, or the laws of England, or the laws of Ire
land, or tho laws of nature, or the laws of God
do not suffer it to have a duration in your minds."
The 'ambition of a people to obtain national
existence was described by Grattan thus: "I wish
for nothing but to breathe In this our island in
common with my fellow subjects the air of liberty.
I have no ambition, unless it be the ambition to
break y;our chain, and contemplate your.. .glory. I
never will be satisfied so long as the meanest cot
tager in Ireland has a link of the British chain
clanking to his rags; he may be naked, he shall
not be in irons; and I do not see the time is at
hand, the spirit is gone forth, the declaration is
planted; and though great men shall apostatize
yet the cause will live; and though the public
speaker should die, yet the immortal fire shall
outlast tho organ which conveyed it, and the
breath of liberty, like the words of the holy man, .
will not die with the prophet, but survive him."
One of the most striking passages in Grattan's
speeches was that wherein he said: ."The consti
tution may be for a time so lost; the character of
the country cannot be lost. The ministers of tho
crown will, or may, perhaps at length, find that it
Is not so easy to put down forever an ancient and
respectable nation by ability, however great, and
by power and by corruption, however Irresistible;
liberty may repair her golden beams, and with
redoubled heat- animate the country; the country
loyalty will not long 'continue against the prin
ciples of liberty; loyalty is a noble, a judicious,
and a capacious principle; but In these countries
loyalty, distinct from liberty, is corruption, not
loyalty."
JJJ
A Damaging Admission.
Major Glenn, who administered the water cure
In the Philippines and who was punished by a
ridiculously light sentence ($50 fine and ono
month's suspension from duty) attempts to defend
himself, but in doing so makes a damaging ad
mission. The administration tries to make it ap
pear that hostility to American rule la confined
to few people, but Major Glenn says that "every
man, woman and child in the island was an
enemy." And what method was employed for
making friends of them? The methods best cal
culated to give them' new reasons for hating us.
The following extract from a recent interview
given out T)y him will give some idea of the im
placable animosities engendered by imperialism
and shows what .must .be expected while we hav
a colonial system supported by an army of in
vasion: "I found very soon after my arrival In
Panay that every man's hand was against us;
that every man, woman and child in tho isl
ands was an enemy, and in my. best judgment
they are today, and always will be, Practically
every presidente and other official has been
playing double. They organized and were
the active members of secret societies, known
as the Katipunan, etc., whose avowed ob
jects were to advance the cause of 'lndepen
dencia' in any and all ways, and under this
high sounding phrase they have made use of
every means forbidden to them by the laws
of war.
"These men of peace have actually waged
war by killing straggling American soldiers.
They have made use of poison in the drinks ,
sold to American soldiers. They have poisoned
their arrows and the tips of their spears and
bolos, together with the bamboo tips placed in
the deadly traps that abounded on the trails.
They have hired assassins to kill those who
.were even suspected of being friendly to tho
Americans, and likewise have endeavored to
have our American officers assassinated.
"They openly stated in the IslandTof Bohol
that they would gladly sacrifice twenty na
tives, for every American officer assassinated.
They employed corps of assassins, who, un
der the name of Ducot, Mandoducot, or San
- dathan, spread death and terror in their wake."
JJJ
A Valuable Asset.
- The Washington correspondent of the Chi
cago Record-Herald, republican, recently sent to
his paper the followingr
It was not a democratic campaigner, but
a western republican who said to your corre
spondent: "I see President Schwab of the
steel trust has made public an estimate of the
value of the various assets of that great cor
poration, $700,000,000 for ore mines, $300,000,
000 for steel plants, $200,000,000 for transpor
tation facilities, etc. - But I am surprised that
Mr. Schwab, with his keen business acumen,
should fail to Include ono of the most "valuable
' of all the assets of the United States steel
corporation. This is a. device which shuts out
all foreign competition It is a scheme which
compels foreign manufacturers of steel and
Iron who want-to sell goods in the American
market to stand a handicap of 40 per cent be
fore they can do so. How much this asset is
worth to the steel trust it would be very diffi
cult for an outsider to estimate, and for that
reason I should like to see President Schwab's
figures. I Tenture the assertion that he would
not rate it a penny less than $1,000,000,000.
Probably the fact that this asset is on the
federal statute books under the name of tho
Dingley law led Mr. Schwab to leave it out
of his long, imposing list of the property and
resources of his corporation."
What party provided this" trust with this valu
able assets an asset that Mr. Schwab would prob
ably not rate a penny less than one billion dol
lars? The republican party.
What has the republican party received in
return for the maintenance of this valuable as
set? Generous campaign contributions.
If this valuable asset is worth not a penny
less than $1,000,000,000, from whose pockets does
this immense sum come? From the pockets of tho
people.
Why should tho American people give their
votes to a party that would provide so valuable an
asset to a handful of men at the expense of tho
people upon whose votes the republican party de
pends for its power?
JJJ
A Falling Balance.
The decrease of 106 millions in the exports of
1902 as compared with the exports of 1901 and the
Increase of 80 millions in the imports for tho
same period Is not being discussed much by re
publican leaders, but it ought to be considered
by the rank and file. When the balance of trade
in our favor" Is increasing tho fact is proclaimed
in big headlines and the republican party Is given
all the credit, but when tho balance falls it seems
to be a matter too insignificant to mention.
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