prow
The Commoner
July 25, 190a
KSW-
LT' '
Hi'
BJii,i
J&&J
i.'ir
.jsk
L
..
'. .
v
&.
t
X
Srr
quonces that our party rightfully declared It to bo
' ;the paramount Issue. Without abandoning its
position on the tariff question or on th.o money
question it again espoused, the people's side of a
great issue. That it did not win that year was
p duo to a conjunction of causes any one of which
would have been insufficient io have accomplished
defeat. The administration having carried on a
lirief and successful war fell heir to the enthusiasm
. which usually attends a victorious conflict;, an
unexpected increase in the supply of new gold
jynd an unexpected influx of European gold, due to
( large crops hero and a famine abroad, increased
prices, relieved the stress of hard times and gaVo
to the .people the benefits that always flow from a
growing volume of money. While the advantages
which , followed a larger volume of money vindi
cated the principle contended for by bimetallists
they were appropriated by the party in power, and
those who were Influenced by conditions, without
attempting to realize the conditions, gave tho
republican party credit for an increasing- prosper
ity. Tho protected manufacturers, of course, stood
by the administration which had given them a
Dingley law. Trust promoters and trust magnates,
recognizing in the democratic party an inveterate
foe, and numbering among their stockholders
many of tho most influential republicans, threw
all their strength to the republican party, and by
their support purchased immunity from punish
ment. The republicans were greatly aided by an
other influence, namely, the influence of the finan
ciers who not yet having completed their schemes
- were willing to risk trusts, imperialism or any
thing else rather than forego the advantage which
they expected from a gold standard and a bank
currency. In .spite of all these obstacles the cam
paign of 19Q0 only showed a net change of 150,000
votes in favor of the republicans out of a total
,yote of over thirteen millions. And what is the
' -r situation today? Since -the election of 1900, Im
perialism is more openly avowed and imperial
istic methods more boldly entered upon because
the administration can point to thtLt election as
an apparent indorsement, although tho party lead
ers at that time vehemently denied imperialistic
intent. Those wjio expect to make a profit out of
a colonial system favor it on the ground that it
will pay; those 'who think that it opens up the
Philippines to proseliting Insist that it is provi- '
,dential, while those who are simply seeking some
.reason for supporting their party's-policy fall back
,upon the doctrine that circumstances got us into
the trouble and that we must stay in until cir
cumstances get us out.
Since the election of 1900 the trusts have
grown and flourished under the republican ad
ministration, as might Lave, been expected. Al
most two years have elapsed since the last presi
dential election, and no legislative attempt has
been made to interfere with them, and the execu
v tive efforts, instead of being directed toward tho
enforcement of criminal statutes, are confined to
the equity side of the court and these efforts have
not in the least retarded the formation of new
combines.
Since the election the financiers are seeking
to carry their advantage a little farther and are
planning an asset currency, a system of branch
.banks and the redemption of the silver dollar.
Recognizing the enormous iniquity of the bill they
did not dare to press it during the campaign, but
having secured a favorable report in the house,
postponed its consideration until December.
Since the election a republican congress has
turned a deaf ear to tho laborer's cry for relief
from government by injunction and a republican
senate has refused to grant the demand of tho
people for the election of United States senators
Jiya direct vote.
, And all tho while an exorbitant tariff is work
ing injustice to tho consumers and enabling the
beneficiaries of protection 'to sell at homo at a
high price and compete in foreign markets at a
lower price. -
While the exploiters have been pressing their
advantages at homo and abroad the interests of
the producers of wealth on the farm, In the fnc
torv and in the mines havo been utterly Ignored
and the small business man has been left to such
precarious existence as, the trusts (fDoj;mit hlmto
oniy ' . t-jt c.j. .,,
How can tho opponents of aristocracy and
plutocracy bo. united- for ,a successful, attack, .upon
entrenched privilege? N,ot by making ppaco with
the enemy; not by Imitating 'tholr works, their
methods or their phraseology, but by an bonqst
straightforward appeal to tho American peoplo
upon a platform that can bo understood and with
an organization that can be trusted. Already
many of the republicans are wavering, but they
can never bo won to tho democratic jparty as long
as they can say that our party is as. bad as
theirs. Not by surrender, not by compromise, not
by equivocation, not by ambiguity, not by vacilla
tion, is tho victory to be won, but by bold, con
stant, persistent, steadfast defense of the interests
of the people at all times under all circumstances
and on all questions. To lose faith in the exped
iency of such a course is to lose faith in the omnip
otence of truth. Upon this basis we can not only
harmonize all who are democratic in sentiment
and sympathy, but we can draw to our party
those of the opposition who cherish democratic
ideals, but have been misled by republican argu
ments. In the accomplishment of this work tho Now
England Democratic League can be, and I doubt
not will be, a powerful factor.
Municipal Ownership in Ohio.
A special session of the Ohio legislature will
meet soon to pass upon a municipal code for tho
government of cities and villages. This special
session is made necessary by a recent opinion of
the supremo court which holds unconstitutional a
law passed on this subjsct by a former legislature.
According to tho decision of the court it will bo
necessary for the legislature to provide charters
for cities "and villages, no other divisions being
allowed. The advocates of municipal reform will
have a splendid opportunity to present their views
upon this growing subject of public interest, and
the people of Ohio are fortunate in having a
strong and intelligent man like Mayor Johnson of
Cleveland to lead their f ght As municipal gov
ernment is a question which must be considered
in all the states, and as the principles governing
it are the same everywhere, The Commoner takes
advantage of this opportunity to present a general
view of the subject In framing a charter for
cities or villages the first thing to be borne in
mind is the doctrine of local self-government.
Every community should be permitted to control
its own affairs. The people of a city know better
what they need than outsiders can possibly know,
and $hey will take more interest in their own af
fairs than outsiders can possibly take.
If mistakes are made by those who control
from the outside they are not so apt to be rem
edied, because those who mako the mistakes do
not suffer from them. But where there is local
self-government the people recognize that the mis
takes made are their mistakes and that they can
only have good government by watching their
government.
In some of the states there has been a ten
dency to take authority from the municipality
and deposit it with the governor of the state. This
has been especially true of the police power and
the change has been made' on the theory that the
state government can give a city a better police
service than the people can secure for them
selves through their local government The fact
ls. however, that tho theory Is only applied
whore tho stato government differs in politics from
the city government It then gives to tho domi
nant party In tho stato an oxcuso for assuming
control of a city which would, if left to Itself, be
'under tho control of another political party. That
partisanship rather than principle controls in such
matters is ovldent from tho fact that promlnont
partisan politicians have been on both sldea
.of the question, tho aldd taken d'opondlng upon
the partisan advantage to b'e obtained. It Is to bo
hoped that llio legislature of Ohio will recognize
not Only tlio' right of thd people of-a-clty to Holf
govornmentb'ut also tho educational value of sdff
government in proportion as peoplo aro com
pelled to look after tholr town government thoy
will' acquaint themselves with government arid
constantly grow In capacity for self-government
Tho legislature of Ohio should also rccognlzo
' tuo growth of sentiment in favor of tho municipal
ownership 'bf municipal franchises. Tho statistics
show a constant and rapid growth in tho direction
of municipal ownership. An over increasing num
ber of cities own ahdopornto tholr Water plants,
and while a less proportion own "and operate their
lighting plants the trend is decidedly toward mu
nicipal ownership. Thero is no reason why a city
should allow private corporations to control any
municipal franchise. It Is Impossible to havo
competition between water plants, lighting plants,
heating plants, telophono plants, or street car
lines. It would bo a great inconvenience to the
city to havo its streets torn up for pipes or filled
up with wires or tracks of competing companies,
and then, too, as a matter of economy the public
should not be taxed Xo pay dividends on a largo
number of plants. Where thore can be no com
petition there must be monopoly, and whero there
must be monopoly it must be a government
monopoly and not a private one. Tho friends of
municipal reform in the Ohio legislature can afford
to plant themselves firmly upon the Kansas City
platform doctrine that private monopolies aro in
defensible and intolerable, Tho new charter,
should contain provisions that will mako it possi
ble for every city and village to carry municipal
ownership just as far as the peoplo desire to carry
it. This is a matter which can safely be left with
the peoplo themselvu and if tho charter provides,
a method for taking the sense of the peoplo on
these questions municipal ownership will mako
rapid progress in the Buckeye State.
Franchises would seldom bo granted to pri
vate corporations but for the profit that the mem
bers of the city council find in giving away that
which does not belong to them and which tho
peoplo themselves would never give away if they
had any voice in the matter. Where the peoplo
think best to grant franchises to municipal cor
porations tho grant should be for a short term
with a provision that tho property of the corpora
tion can be taken by the public upon the payment
of a reasonable compensation, and that compensa
tion should be measured by the value of the physi
cal property of the corporation. The city council
not be compelled to buy back at a high price a
franchise benevolently given to a private cor
poration. The corruption that has so often dis
graced city government comes almost entirely from
the turning over to private corporations the budi
ness which the city itself should attend to.
In some states the mayor has been given larga
powers in tho appointment of municipal officers,
the mayor thus becoming responsible for the car
rying out of a definite policy. Where tho mayor
is elected by the people and holds office for a
short time this plan is entirely in harmony with
the theory of self-government, and has been found
to work well in practice. But whether more or
less power is placed in the hands of the mayor is
not so important as that the people of a city shall
be permitted to control their own affairs and that
they shall havo the right to decide for themselves
whether they will do their own municipal work
or grant franchises to private corporations.
