1 " a t. & Iv I 1J& the Rejpcbllcao Cry. July II, 190a " A Washington dispatch to the Chicago Record - Herald says that a compromise has heen reached on the omnibus statehood hill. This dispatch says: ."Chairman Beveridgo agreed that his com mittee would report a bill the thrfl rlftv nf tho next session. (But the, committee has not lost control of the bijl and has given no pledge as to what sort of a bill It will bring in. All it has promised is to make a report It may be an adverse one; at any rate itho fight on the merits of the proposition Is an open one, and is deferred till next December, with ,tho committee holding its tactical advantage." fThus It will bo seen that the republican party is putting off action on maliy measures until after the congressional elections. The republican plat form for 1896 promised the admission of the re maining territories "at the jearliest practicable date." The republican platform for 1900 said: "We favor home rule and the early admission, into statehood of the territories of New Mexico, Ari zona, and Oklahoma." And yet we find the re publican majority arrayed very clearly against the fulfillment of these pledges. It is the same old story. Republican platforms "were not made to stand on, they were made to get in on." "Congressman Babcock, chairman of the repub lican congressional committee, says: "We cannot . be put on the defensive on any Entirely " - question which will be discussed -7 , on tile in the coming campaign.'' This "DefehalYc. is decidedly refreshing, coming from a man who, like Congress man Babcock, declared that it was his purpose to. remove the tariff from the products-of trusts. Even if .there was nothing else on which the republican party could be put on the defensive,, the leaders of that party will have their Tiands full in explain- ' ing why the trusts, that "are imposing upon -the 'p'ebpfe and maintaining corners on the necessities of life, are given the large advantages which they find in the tariff maintained by the republican party. And when it comes to providing a defense on this point, Chairman Babcock will be placed in a decidedly embarrassing position, because no one has spoken more vigorously in favor of re moving the tariff from trust products than the chairman of the republican congressional commit tee; and Mr. Babcock will not be permitted to dodge his- record on this question any more than the republican, party will be permitted to dodge its record on other questions. - An Ohio reader of The Commoner says that the debating-society of which he is a member "came very near disruption because of a question proposed for discus--sion. This question was as fol lows:, "Resolved, That no moral difference exists between the acts of the highwayman who holds up his victims at the muzzle of a gun and despoils his fellow man, and the man-or combination of men who, armed with political power, shape legislation -that protects and legalizes the acts of combinations that rob the people." This reader, referring to this proposition, makes this comment: "Those who defend the legal method contend that it does not impoverish its victims at one stroke like the outlaw method and should not bo compared with the latter. Again,' they claim that those who get in their work legally are rated among our best people, who give liberally toward the endowment of religious and educational institutions and who occupy the finest upholstered pews along the front .row. They move in the top crust of society and, -are men of great Influence and piety, while the illegal highwayman Is busily engaged in dodging the officers of the law. The affirmative Bet up the claim that only the want of courage is the motivothat leads many to reiortrto legislation as the safer method to commit depredations; and The Commoner. that tho lack of diplomacy and political influence sooves tho courageous to resort to the same moral methods to despoil their fellowman by means of firearms instead of legislation. The affirmative) claims that less than 10 per cent of tho money filched from the people is given away by tho legal . fraternity, and while they are robbing Peter to pay Paul, the latter gets a very thin slice which is used principally for advertising purposes and a hope to appease the wrath of tho Almighty whose judgment is mo3t dreaded by tho cowardly. The affirmative also contends that there Is something to bo admired even in an outlaw who has the cour age lone-handed to hold up and rob a half dozen men. This kind of mottle when properly directed was found in the patriots of '76 and in all subse quent wars of our country. What did wo expect or receive from the other class during these trying times." The Battle is On. " An .Interesting ' Question. 2S5 Mr. Roosevelt and His Books. A Washington dispatch to the New York World under date of May 30 says that Mr. Roosevelt has sent to an eminent personage V full set of Mr. Roosevelt's own works, every volume containing the author's autograph and an appropriate sentiment." It is to be hoped that the recipient will read some of these books very carefully. In these books ho will find that Mr. Roosevelt has uttered eloquent words of condemnation againBt nearly every Im portant policy now being pursued by Mr. Roose velt's administration. He will find in those books the most complete indorsement of the right of the Fil.'pinos to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness and of the right of the Filipino to a gov ernment deriving its powers from the consent of the governed. He will find in those books a clear and distinct historical statement that the so-called expansion policy of the republican party of today is wholly inconsistent with the policy adopted by the United States in its acquirement of territory in the past. Probably Mr. Roosevelt has forgotten many of the things ho said in these interesting volumes. Perhaps he thinks the recipient will not take the trouble to read them; but there are in those volumes many passages that will prompt tho reader to wonder how it is that a man who, as an author, gave expression to such sentiments could, as a president, act wholly in defiance of those sentiments.' vNv? Some of the Chicago papers have had their attention directed to the head of a little household , . who Js employed as an appren- What tico at a salary of $5 per week. About the This man and his good wife .Conditions? have undertaken to keep house on this magnificent salary. We are told that this couple has .figured out that "they can live on $5 a week and have a. weekly balance of $1.65 to invest in railroad stocks or government bonds." According to this same au thority they have "made allowances for such lux uries as eggs and fruit, although they have limited the supply of butter to one pound a week for two persons. They have prudently decided to do with out porterhouso steak, but have set aside $1.05 for th'ex week's supply of meat at 15 cents per pound." When the attention of tho-Chicago Record-Herald was directed to this interesting experiment, that great republican paper made another approach to the treason Jino when it uttered this wholesome truth: "As an effort to make 'both ends meet' on a small Income, with love in a cottage to mol lify the asperities of self-denial, this experiment will invoke the usual popular solicitude and sym pathy. But to the hard-headed people who have more cense than sentiment it will serve as an occasion for lamenting the conditions that should make such economy necessary and for condemn ing the notion that there is virtue in poor Hying. Living on five dollars a week is a bare excuse for living." 'Are you opposed to allowing the men who de serted tho party in 1896 and 1900 to secure control" of the party organization? Aro you opposed to deserting democratic principles for the mere pur poso of securing tho spoils of offlco? Are you opposed to making tho democratic party so nearly like tho republican party that the truste, com bines and subsidy grafters will not care tho toss of a penny which administers tho affairs of stato7 If you are opposed to theso things-It Is your duty as good democrats and good citizensthe torms aro synonomous to oppose tho plans or tho deserters who are seoking to again securo control of tho democratic party. Aro you in favor of standing by democratic principles? Aro you in favor of keeping tho demo cratic party in its position as a foo to special in terests? Do you bellove in preserving the old democratic prlnciplo of "equal rights to all, spe cial privileges to none?" Do you favor keeping the democratic party democratic? If you favor theso things it is your duty to exert your influence in this direction. How can you do it? By assisting in tho dis tribution of democratic literature and arousing democratic sentiment; by pointing out to your neighbors tho danger that confronts tho party organization in tho shape of reorganizers who seek to secure control in order to advance special interests. That such a danger confronts tho party is evident to all who have noted tho activity of men who call themselves democrats, but who never lose an opportunity to advanco tho interests ot tho corporations. Tho Commoner is a democratic paper. Ifc preaches democratic doctrine without ceasing. It . exposes the schemes of tho reorganizers and stands firmly by-democratic-principles. - The subscription price of Tho Commoner is $1 a year, but In order to Increase its circulation and extend its influence a special rate Is now being made In "Lots of Five." Tho plan is simple, con venient and easily understood. Subscription cards, each good for one year's subscription to Tho Com moner.aro sold in "Lots of Five" at tho rate of ?3 per lot, or 60 cents each. You may order a "Lot of Five" and sell the cards at the regular sub scription prJce of $1, retaining tho $2 profit as your commission, or you may sell tho cards at CO cents each. The Commoner is not afraid to extend credit to its readers. Order a "Lot of Five" and sell them to your friends and neighbors," remitting to this office as you dispose of the cards. Thousands are taking advantage of this liberal subscription offer. They have extended The Com moner's influence. Will you not join with them and help in the good work. 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