The Commoner.
July II, 190a
r.
bo able to distribute a surplus among its people
each year and thus convince them that the trust
is a wise and benevolent institution. Some ar
dent opponents of the trusts still argue that state
laws are sufficient to destroy private monopolies.
Let such profit by the lesson that comes from New
Jersey. If a state finds it profitable to harbor pri
vate monopolies on condition that it receive a
part of the swag collected by them ftiore will al
ways be defenders of such a co-partnership, and
as long as one stateJs wiling to turn itself into
a "robbers' roost" it will be difficult, if not Im
possible, for other states Vj protect themselves. If.
for instance, the salt trust, which now controls 95
per cent of the salt, secures control of the other 5
per cent and some state attempts to prohibit its
doing business, within its limits, the people may
suffer more from lack of salt than the trust will
suffer from the loss of one state.
It is necessary for congress to act and under
the constitution congress can act, and -act effect
ively. Let congress say that a corporation or
ganized in New Jersey or in any other state must
stay in the state of its origin and not use the
mails, telegraph lines or railroads until it shows
that it is not trying to monopolize any branchy
of business or the production of any article of
merchandise let congress say this and it will
destroy every "private monopoly now in existence
and prevent the creation of a new one.
New Jersey would soon cease to permit the
creation of trusts within her borders if their de
predations were confined to the people of that
state.
JJJ
A Real Harmony.
' The New York harmony meetings made dis
cord more discordant, because they were planned
by-men whose only conception of harmony was a
stultification of the party, a surrender of the par
ty's, principles and-a reinstatement of a leadership
which conducted the party to the brink of ruin ana
would disgrace it again if given authority. Such
attempts at harmony are not only futile, but
hurtful.
In Minnesota, however, they have had a real
harmony meeting a democratic convention at
tended by many who were against the party in
1896, but who have returned in good faith, ac
cepted the party creed and expressed a willing
ness to support the party candidates without de
manding or receiving concessions. The Kansas
City platform was unanimously indorsed, a good
state platform added, an excellent ticket nomi
nated, and the campaign opened with flattering
prospects of success. Rosing, the candidate for
governor, is an able, loyal, hard-working demo
crat. He was Governor Lind's private secretary
during his administration and as chairman of
the democratic state committee has built up a
strong party organization. The candidate for
lieutenant governor was against the ticket in
1896, but returned in 1898 and, has ever since been
bringing forth works meet for repentenco. The
rest of the ticket is made up of popular men, the
populists being represented.
This kind of harmony is real and permanent;
4t is along rational lines and brings strength to
the party.
JJJ
. Dewey's Lame "Explanation.
Admiral Dewey's testimony before the senate
committee will prove a great disappointment . to
those who have been attracted to him by the
sturdy honesty which has heretofore character
ized him. Before the committee he spoke very
disparagingly of the Filipinos and when reminded
of the statements made by him in 1898 he gave an
explanation which is in Itself a reflection upon his
good faith. .
Soon after he landed at Manila he stated in
one of his reports that in his opinion the Filipinos
wero more capable of self-government than the
Cubans, and to strengthen his statement ho added
that ho knew both peoples. Some months after
ward in another report to the navy department
ho reiterated the opinion before expressed and
declared that further observation confirmed that
opinion. But when a membor of the senato com
mittee questioned him about theso official reports
he admitted that he had declared the Filipinos
more capable of self-government than the Cubans,
but tried to explain it by saying that ho did not
think either Cubans or Filipinos capable of self
government. The admiral had better admit' a change of
heart rather than attempt to harmonize his pres
ent views with those expressed four years ago. No
candid man would have made the comparison he
did if he really believed both people incapable of
self-government. Such a mental reservation would
not have been creditable to 'his sincerity and it" is
more charitable to reject his very lame explana
tion than to accept it. It Is quite evident that
Dewey felt friendly td the Filipinos in 1898, and
having no reason to dislike them he did not doubt
their ability to take care of their own affairs. He
supposed our nation would treat the Filipinos as
it had treated the Cubans and therefore the com
parison which he made was natural and proper.
But close association with an imperial adminis
tration at Washington Las lead him Into imperial;
istic methods of thought. Ho now adopts "tho
language of thrones" and indorses the benevolent
despotism theory. His conversion from American
to European ideas is so complete that it would
not be surprising to see him appointed to repre
sent the navy at the postponed coronation in the
place of Charlie Clark, resigned.
JJJ
"Republican Tariff Dilemma."
In this irsue The Commoner reproduces an s
article from the pen of Walter Wellman, tho
Washington correspondent of the Chicago, Record
Herald, under the caption-of "How High Is thp
Dingley Tariff?"
In the same issue in which that article ap
peared the Record-Herald, which, by the way, is
a republican paper, had an editorial under the
head-line "The Republican Tariff Dilemma." The
Record-Herald called attention to the fact that
Whenever the democrats have raised a cry
for tariff reduction and the customs receipts
and the state of the market have shown that
it was not unreasonable the republican leaders
have countered with the assertion that the re
vision should be intrusted to tho friends of
protection.
Then the Record-Herald directed attention to
Mr. Wellman's article and said that there could
be no doubt about the desirability of a change in
the schedules, and "no doubt that they (the repub
licans) are bound by their oft-repeated profes
sions to keep the tariff on a rational basis." In
this editorial the Record-Herald said:
An average rate of 38 per cent on an article
like steel, which requires no protection, Is
clearly indefensible. This Is obvious enough as
a general proposition, and the declaration is
strengthened by the statement that "American
steel has been sold in London at 95 cents per
hundred pounds when the same steel was sold
'in America at $1.65 per hundred." The differ- -'
ence is too great for the most plausible ex
planation. It proves that there is no danger
from foreign competition and that the tariff is
" maintained to add unearned riches to a billion-dollar
trust.
Neither is there any justification for a
higher tariff average than we have ever had be
fore. Perhaps some articles may really need
the protection now granted, but under the the
ory of protection the scale should be a de
creasing rather than an Increasing one. Tho
assisted industries must be steadily gaining in
strength. Yet wo find that under the Dingley
law the ad valorem rates have been: 1899, 62
per cent; 1900, 49 per cent; 1901, 50 per cent,
while 50 per cent was the highest rate reached
under the McKinley law, and for the period
from 1860 until the enactment of that law it
ranged from 20 per cent to 48 per cent.
It is a noteworthy fact also that several
of the schedules besides that on steel contri
bute to tho enrichment of trusts. This will
make tho agitation for reductions all the
florcer. A storm is certainly brewing which
will compel revision by one party or tho other,
and such admissions as Congressman Gros
venor makes will hasten it
Can any Intelligent man oxplaln why this gov
ernment should maintain an average rato of 33
per cont on an article like steel "which requlrci no
protection?" According to this republican news
paper American steel Is sold in London at 95 cents
per hundred pounds, but when they come to pur
chase the same steol Americans must pay $1.65 per
hundred pounds.
Here Is a difference of 70 cpnts per hundred
pounds in favor of the foreigner.
This republican nowspapor well says: "The
difference is too great for the most plausible ex
planation. It proves that there Is no danger from
foreign competition and that tho tariff Is main
tained to add unearned riches to a billion-dollar .
trust."
Why will not the American people give some
heed to disclosures such as these I . ,
Why will thoy not think for themselves?
What greator evidence do they require than
this to Impress upon them tho fact that thoy arc
sleeping upon their rights and that selfish men
are getting the bettor of them?
This testimony is from a republican source and
it would seem that an intelligent republican, how
over partisan ho may bo, would bo inclined to heed-
the warning.
JJJ
Good Amendments Rejected.
When the Philippine bill- was under consid
eration Senator Patterson offered the following
amendment: 1
"The trial of all crimes, except in cases of
impeachment, shall be by jury, and such trial
shall bo held in the province where said crimes
shall have been committed." ... 4.
This amendment involving, as It does tho very
essence of justice and fair-dealing, was rejected.
Senators Hoar and Wellington being the only,
republicans who voted for it.
Senator McLaurin of Mississippi offered tho
following amendment:
"It is the policy of the government to
preserve the agricultural public lands in the
archipelago for homes for tho people of tho
archipelago, and no part of, said agricultural
lands shall bo sold under this act except for
such homes, nor to any except a native per
son, a citizen of said archipelago:"
This amendment was intended to protect tho
home-builders and home-owners and its rejection
shows that tho republican leaders are more inter
ested in furnishing to foreigners a chance for ex
ploitation than they are in protecting the rights
and interests of Filipinos.
Senator Teller offered an amendment similar
to that which was attached to the resolution of in
tervention in Cuba and which secured indepen
dence for the Cubans, but the republicans, with tho
exception of Hale, Hoar, Jones of Nevada and
Wellington, refused to give this assurance to tho
Filipinos.
Senator Carmack offered an amendment de
claring against the ultimate incorporation of tho
Philippine Islands as states and another against
a colonial system, but the republicans voted al
most solidly against both.
It Is evident, therefore, that the republicans
are not willing to announce their policy and invite
judgment upon it. They prefer to leave their pur
pose in doubt and appeal to tho people to trust the
party blindly. . . ' 4
JJJ " V
The Army and Navy Journal expressos tho
hope that Cuba will not permit the creation of a'
national lottery. The position taken by the Jour
nal is sound and its arguments weighty, but our
administration will find it difficult to advise
against lotteries in Cuba while it permits Ameri
can newspapers to run guessing contests which
are only thinly disguised lotteries.
ii
