The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, July 04, 1902, Page 3, Image 3

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July 4 1 ipoa -
any in the world, but their prime interests
are American, not Filipino. What they have
,heen asking themselves is whether or not the
Philippine islands are a good bargain. This
is a phase of the question upon which the
democratic party does not touch, yet it is the
- issue upon which our permanent relations
with the Philippine people will eventually be
established.
In trying to play the sympathetic dodge
instead of getting before the American people
in a practical and respectable fashion, the
democratic party lost a great opportunity. If,
instead of blubbering about the inhumanities
of our soldiers and maundering about our
government having no right under the consti
tution to exercise the power and dignity" of a
sovereign country, the democratic politicians
had gone into the debates claiming that the
Philippines were a bad bargain which we could
not afford to hold very long, they might have
gained following where the pusillanimous
course which they chose to pursue only re
sulted in losing 1t.
It is given in full because it is a fair sample
of the manner in which the republican papers are
dodging t!ie Philippine question themselves and
misrepresenting the position of the democrats.
The Journal says it "was not timely" to dis
cuss independence for the Filipinos. Why not?
The Journal contends that "the title to these isl
ands came to "the United States in an honorable
manner." It says: "To the natural title growing
out of our conquest of Spain, we added the title
that goes with a purchase in fee simple," and
adds, "Under the usagesof the world we rightfully
held dominion over all the Philippine people."
Here the Journal is compelled to fall back upon
"the usages of the world" the usages of nations
that deny the principles set forth in the Declara
tion of Independence. According to "the usages
of the world" England's title to the American,
colonies was complete and yet the revolutionary
patriots disputed that title. If England, seeing
that she was going to fail in her war against the
colonists, had sold her title to France for twenty
million dollars, would the colonists have recog
nized the title as valid? France could, under those
circumstances, have claimed against us the same
title which we claim against the Filipinos. The
Commoner will give the Journal a gold dollar if it
will find a single instance in history in which a
civilized nation or one claiming to be civilized ever
accepted the services of allies to help conquer a
nation and then bought from the conquered na
tion a title to its allies. If the Journal ilnds such
an instance and editorially indorses the act of
the conquering nation as sound in morals and as
in harmony with our principles of government the
reward will be increased by the addition of a silver
dollar weighing sixteen times as much as the
gold dollar.
If the Journal cannot find usage to support
our conduct and cannot defend the principles in
volved it had better fall b.2k on the republican
excuse that it is not "timely" to discuss this ques
tion. The Journal charges that the democrats pro
longed the war and "drove the patriotic press of
the land into an attitude which has been mistaken
for a settled conviction that we must hold the
islands forever." What a miserable subterfuge!
Adam's cowardice was not more shameful when
he tried to escape by laying the blame upon Eve.
Adam was even more manly for he admitted that
he at last yielded to temptation, while the Journal
stoutly contends that it was actually pushed into
an erroneous position. If the Filipinos have no
Tight to independence and are not to have it, why
do we hesitate to tell them so? And if they have
a right to independence and are to receive it, why
not tell them and end the war? If we are going
to give them that for which they are fighting, why
not give it to live men who can enjoy it? Why
reserve it for dead men who have no use for it?
Are we waiting to see whether it will pay? If
a man finds a pocketbook with the name of the
owner plainly prifited on it, ho is a thief-at heart
if he waits to count the contents before deciding
The Commoner,
to turn it er to the one to whom it belongs. The
president must favor or oppose ultimate indepen
dence or bo in doubt about it. If he favors ulti
mate independence, how can ho justify bloodshed
that could bo averted by a promiso of indepen
dence? If ho opposes it, how can ho avoid tho
charge of deliberate fraud upon the Filipinos?
To Buggest independence when it is not to bo
given is neither candid nor honest.
But not content with dodging tho question,
the Journal wilfully misrepresents tho democratic
position. The democrats have not changed their
position; they are contending today for the same
policy that they have advocated from tho begin
ning. They never contended that wo should
"haul down our flag and come away immediately."
It is guilty of inexcusable mendacity when It
speaks of "the policy of scuttle and run on which
their (democratic) party made the campaign of
1900." The editor of the Journal cannot be so
grossly ignorant of recent history as not to know
that the democratic platform of 1900 expressly de
clared against a "scuttle and run" policy. The es
tablishment of a stable government was to come
first and Independence afterwards, but tho demo
crats insisted in 1900, and still insist, that it will
be easy to establish a stable government when tho
people understand that when established it will bo
their government and not ours.
Imperialism is so Indefensible that the re
publicans dare not avow their purpose to maintain
a colonial policy permanently. And yet that is tho
purpose that must be assumed, for to Involve this
country in great expense, to sacrifice the lives of
Americans and shed the blood of Filipinos only to
give at the close that which, if given at tho be
ginning, would have prevented war would be worse
than criminal. The Journal dodges the Philippine
question because it cannot defend the republican
position and it misrepresents tho democratic po
sition because it cannot answer democratic argu
ments. JJJ
The Sentinel's Rebuke.
The Indianapolis Sentinel in an editorial,
which is reproduced on another page, takes Mr. .
Bryan to task for criticising the failure of the Ind
iana convention to indorse the Kansas City plat
form. The Sentinel points to its support of tho.
ticket in 1896 and 1900 as evidonce that it has been
loyal to the party and it asserts Its friendliness to
Mr. Bryan. The Commoner will not dispute tho
Sentinel's claim to credit for work done, nor will
its profession of friendship be questioned, but
however gratified we may feel for past favors wo
must fight the battles that are before us. No
amount of service in past campaigns can excuse
the Sentinel for lending its powerful influence to
the reorganizes in the present contest. The Sen
tinel is willing to consider the money question as
settled and allow the financiers to assume control
of the party. This willingness to turn the party
back Into the hands of the Cleveland crowd may
be due to a change of heart on the part of the
editor, or it may be due to an error of tho head
let us hope to the latter. The financiers cannot be
trusted as leaders, first, because the money ques
tion is not settled, and, second, because even if
it were the 'financiers are against the people on
every other question and will betray the people at
the first opportunity. Every congress has to deal
with the money question in some form, and the
people are receiving no aid or protection from the
Sentinel. The financiers wanted gold, not because
they like the yellow metal, but because they
wanted money scarce and dear. They still want
money scarce and dear, and if intrusted with
power they will rob the people of the benefits of
an Increased supply of gold. Even now the Fowler
bill provides for an asset currency, for branch
banks and for a redeemable silver dollar. While
the Indiana platform condemns this bill, the reor
ganizes will not discuss it and cannot be trusted
to stand for anything opposed by the financiers.
The Sentinel beguiles its readers with talk about
the money question being dead, while the money
changers are forging new chains and plotting for
further advantages. Is tho editor of the Sentinel
deceived? Or is he trying to deceive others?
Tho Sentinel favors Taggart for national chair
man and Taggart followed Cleveland at the Tilden
club banquet and indorsed his speech. This shows
the real attitude of the Sentinel. If the Sentinel
can be coaxed or driven away from the money
question it can by the same influence be weaned
from other questions. If it cannot be trusted to
fight tho schemes of Wall street on the money
question, it cannot be relied upon to stand firm
on any other question, for the same secret, but
powerful, influence is behind the trusts and im
perialism. The Sentinel speaks of Mr. Bryan's duty to
tho democracy of Indiana. Ho appreciates tho sup
port of those who Instructed for him, but he Is
not undor obligations tothoso who tried to pro
vent his nomination by giving him a fraudulent
and deceptivo platform. Ho Is indobted to the un
corrupted and unterrifled domocracy of Indiana
and tho nation, and theso will not havo reason to
doubt his fidelity to tholr int6rests.
JJJ
A Complete Remedy.
Mr. Littlofleld of Maine interrupted Congress
man Ball of Texas to ask: "What Is the demo
cratic remedy for trusts." Mr. Ball at once replied:
"To place all trust-mado articles on tho free list;
to deny trusts tho power of Interstate transpor
tation and the use of tho mails, and to inaugurate
an administration which will resort to penal
statutes and not to injunctions in tho prosecution
of trusts." Tho press dispatches do not report
what Mr. Llttleflold thought of tho reply, but it is
to bo hoped that ho will be as free to commend tho
democratic remedy for tho trusts as he has been
to condemn the attitude of tho republican party on
the colonial question. Mr. Ball condensed into u
sentence tho anti-trust plank of tho Kansas City
platform. That platform criticised tho republican
administration for not enforcing existing laws and
then advocated the free list for trust-made articles
and urged a federal statute donying to monopolies
the privileges of interstate commerce. These rem
edies cover tho entire ground and yet tho republi-
cans, while pretending to oppose trusts, refuse to
apply theso remedies or to suggest others. Mr.
Littlefield ought to profit by the information re
ceived. JJJ
Work is Needed
The timidity shown by tho democrats of Ind
iana in state convention, and tho capture by tho
reorganize of the democratic machinery of Illi
nois emphasizes tho pressing need of somo effec
tive work being done by those who want the demo
cratic party to remain true to Its trust. While tho
democrats who are democrats from principle havo
been going about their daily work with no thought
of danger to their party, the democrats wno aro
democrats for revenue only (whether it be holding
office m the democratic party or the republican
party) havo been laying plans to capture demo
cratic conventions for tho purpose of outbidding
the republicans for corporation support. The suc
cess tho reorganizers have achieved Jn Illinois nnd
their partial victory in Indiana should arouse all
true democrats to a sonso of duty. The Com
moner's influence will bo used to defeat tho plans
of the corporation element now seeking to regain
control of the party. Will you not give The Com
moner an opportunity to do some work for the
party in your neighborhood? A few minutes of
your time devoted to an extension of its circula
tion may be th means of preventing the party in
your county from being captured by the reorgan
izers. Tho campaign offer, known as the "Lots of
Five Plan," places tho subscription price within
the reach of all. The Commoner is selling five sub
scriptions for $3.00, which is avthe rate of CO cents
each. Will you not assume the responsibility of
disposing of five or more of these subscription
cards? Hundreds of readers of The Commoner are
already assisting in this work. More than fivo
thousand subscriptions have been received through
the "Lots of Five Plan" alone.
If you believe The Commoner is doing a good
work write your name and address in the coupon
below and mail it to this office. Five subscription
cards will be sent to you, each card good for ono
year's subscription to The Commoner wiien prop
erly filled out and returned to this office. You
can easily secure fivo subscriptions at GO cents
each, and thus enlarge its circle of readers and
increase its influence for good.
APPLICATION FOR
"Lots of Fiye Subscription Cards"
Publisher commoner: Ploase send me fflre subscription
cards. I prombso to use mr utmost endearor to soil these
cards, and will remit for them at the rate of CO cents each when
sold.
Kaino . . , ,
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Postofflce .
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