tain of domocracy sending forth pure and refresh
ing streams, bocamo a stagnant pool from whose
waters foul vapors arose poisonous to thoso who
lln gored near.
Having dobauchod his party ho "was offended
by Its effort to reform and gavo comfort to tho
oncmy. Vlrglnlus killed his daughter to -save
hor chastity; Cleveland stabbed his party to pre
vont Its return to tho paths of virtue
And now, still gloating over his political
crimes, ho Invites tho party to return to him and
apologize for tho contempt which it has expressed
for him! Will It? Not until tho principles of Jer
forson are forgotten and tho works of Jackson
ceaso to Inspire
If wo aro to havo reorganization, Clovoland
himself should nccopt tho presidential nomination.
It would bo duo him; his reinstatement would bo
pootlc justlco to him and rotributlon to those
whoso democratic conscience rovolted against his
undemocratic conduct. Of courso ho would get no
democratic votes, but bolng closer to plutocracy
than any republican likely to bo nominated ho
might dlvldo tho oncmy, and even democrats
would havo what little consolation would como
from receiving their disappointment in advance.
A merchant, about to fail, invited his creditors
to a dinner and after stating his condition secured
a year's oxtonslon from all present. One of the
number, a rolatlvo, waited until after tho others
had rotlrcd and then accosted tho debtor: "Of
courso I promised with the rest to extend the
timo, but you aro going to make mo a preferred
croditor, arojyou not?" "Yes," replied tho debtor,
"I'll make you a preferred creditor. I'll tell you
now that you aro not going to get anything; tho
rest won't find it out for a year." ,
Mr. Cleveland's nomination would havo this
advantago over tho nomination of any other re
organizer, ho would make tho democrats preferred
creditors and toll them that they would not bo
benefitted by his administration -r ' .'". ..
Mr. Cleveland's speech should be read in full.
It answers a useful purpose; it outlines the plan
of campaign decided, upon by the plutocratic ele
ments for which the reorganizes stand. Tariff re
form is to be made the chief issue, and the men who
voted for Mr. McKinloy, tho high-priest of pro
tection, are to carry on a sham battle with their
companions of 1896, while tho financiers make
the dollar redeemable in gold and fasten upon tho
country an asset currency and a branch bank sys
tem. Trusts are to be denounced in sonorous
terms while the campaign managers mortgage tho
party to the trust magnates in return for cam
paign funds. Sometimes imperialism -will he de
nounced, as In Mr. Hopkins' Illinois convention;
sometimes Ignored, as In Mr. Cleveland's speech;
but whether denounced or ignored, the secret and
silent power that can compel submission to the
demands of the financiers and to tho demands of
tho trust magnates can compel submission to the
demands of tho exploiters and the representatives
of militarism.
The fight is on between a democracy that
means demooracy and a Clovelandism which means
plutocracy. Every speech made by Mr. Cleveland
shows more clearly tho odiousness of the policies
foe which ho stands. We have more to fear from
those who, like Mr. Hill, indorse Mr. Cleveland's
views, but conceal their real purpose in ambiguous
language.
JJJ
, A Kentucky Orator.
Ollio James, tho democratic candidate for con
gress in tho Paducah, Kentucky, district, is a
splendid illustration of what a young man with
ability, integrity, and moral courage can accom
plish. Although but thirty years old, Mr. James
has become a conspicuous figure in tho politics of
his state and ho is now entering the arena of na
tional politics, his nomination in that strongly
democratic district being equivalent to an election.
Mr. James' rise began in the great inter-party
The Commoner.
contest which preceded the convention of 1896.
When some of tho older leaders allowed the bank
ors and corporations to draw them away from tho
masses Mr. James stepped to tho front and es
poused tho cause of tho people; and so unswerving
has been his deVotlon to public interests and so
valiant has been his servico that he has now been
delected to champion the pcoplo's rights in tho
federal legislature.
The fact of Mr: James receiving and -accepting
an invitation" to' speak at tho Nebraska state con
vention held at Grand Island June 24, indidatetf
that this Kentucky orator is already in demand
outside of his home state. Mr. James' stylo of
sneaking is impressivo and persuasive. He ac
quaints himself with public questions and speaks
from his own deep convictions, reaching tho
hearts, of thoso who listen.
Wo rofor in this manner to Mr. James be
cause his career illustrates the possibilities which
open beforo tho young men of this country.
Tho Commoner will encourage tho develop
ment of such men in every county and precinct.
Tho young man who struggles while others are
idlo, who preserves his strength by good habits
while others waste their energies by dissipation;
who tries to seo how much ho can contribute to
the common wolfaro rather than how much he can
absorb from society such a young man will find
himself growing in public esteem and at last will
bedomo the chosen representative of his fellows
to give voice to their sentiments and desires.
Knowledge, earnestness, character, and a
steadfast adherence to a high purpose will suffice
to assuro political success in any land where the
people are free to recognize and reward merit.
JJJ
The Effective Weapons.
The Chicago Tribune has volunteered an in
teresting explanation as to why Mr. Roosevelt has
failed to commence criminal proceedings against
the beef tniBf. The Tribune says-:
. Tho legitimate presumption ia that if the
government does not present tho case of the
packers to a grand jury it is because it lacks
the evidence which would be satisfactory to an
impartial petit jury. It would not be credit
able to tho government to have the packers
indicted when it was conscious they could
not be convicted. Such a performance mani
festly would bo a paltry bid for momentary
popular applause. Mr. Bryan cannot have for
gotten so much law as to be unaware of the
fact that it takes stronger evidence to induce
a jury to send a man to the penitentiary than
it does to return a verdict against him in a
civil case. The law officers of the government
presumably aro confident of success in their
civil suit, but are not confident of success in a
criminal action. Others besides Mr. Bryan
havo asked why the packers have not been pro
ceeded against criminally. It was natural they
should ask tho question, for they do not un
derstand so well as Mr. Bryan does or ought
to the probable reasons why the government
has confined itself thus far to the suit com
menced in Chicago. Mr. Bryan can easily
answer his own question.
Does the Tribune mean to say that more evi
dence would be require to sustain an indictment
before a petit jury than would be required to per
suade a federal judge to make perpetual an in
junction against the members of a trust?
The attorney general in his bill against the
beef trust declared that the packers had entered
into a conspiracy, and it is well known to tho read
ers of tho Chicago Tribune that that charge is
sustained by the evidence which the Tribune it
self has presented.
If it would be discreditable to the govern
ment to have the paokers Indicted under existing
circumstances, then it was discreditable for tho
government to ask for an injunction against the
packers in civil proceedings. If there was not
enough evidence to justify the charge preferred in
the civil proceedings, then an Injustice was done
the packers when the government asked for an
injunction, against them.
But inasmuch as the newspapers of the coun-
Vol0,3, No. 23.
try have printed' abundant testimony to sustain
that charge, all c which testimony is in tho
hands of the government's attorneys, many intel
ligent men have asked themselves,' and have also
inquired of others, how it happens that theso
"conspirators" are not proceeded against in tho
criminal courts exactly as other offenders against
the law aro proceeded against.
The packers are either guilty or not guilty of
a conspiracy. If there was no good reason to be
lieve them guilty, then they should hot have been
proceeded against in the civil courts,. If there is
good reason to believe that they are guilty , then
they should be proceeded against in the criminal
courts.
Inasmuch as the government has "undertaken
to provide sufficient testimony to sustain civil
proceedings, the government might also under
take to obtain sufficient testimony with which to
sustain criminal proceedings.
' If the administration Is sincere in its desiro
to crush the trusts, it will take advantage of tlio
most effective weapon at hand. The most effective
weapon in dealing with law-breakers of any class
Is the criminal indictment; and so long as the ad
ministration fails to use that weapon just 'so long
will a very large number of people doubt its sin
cerity in its professed desire to give the people re
lief from trust exactions.
JJJ
The Fowler Bill Explained.
Several readers of The Commoner have asked
for an explanation of the Fowler bill. It has al
ready been published in full in these columns and
its purpose explained. It has three main features:
First, it provides for a redeemable silver dollar;
second, it provides for, an asset currency, and,
third, it provides for a branch bank. The object
of the provision to make the silver dollar redeem
able is to establish the gold standard more firmly,
and the ultimate aim is to retire the silver dollars,
either by.recoinage into subsidiary silver or by the
substitution of bonds. The redeemable feature is
only a step toward the other, for as soon as the
silver dollar is made redeemable it will form an
endless chain and can be used for an indefinite
drain upon the treasury; and ttfe fact that it can
be used to drain the treasury will be the excuse
given for its retirement. When the gold standard
is complete only gold will be standard money and
bank paper will be the only paper money.
The Fowler bill converts about $500,000,000 of
real money into a promise to pay real' money, av
to this extent narrows the base of our currency ana
Increases the strain upon gold. This necessarily
weakens our financial system, instead of strength-.
ening it.
The provision for an asset currency enables
banks to issue money upon their assets; that is,
upon the deposits which have been received and
loaned out, and the system would increase the lia
bility of the bank, it being liable, first, to the de
positors, and, second, to the note holders. With
out increasing its assets it would very much ex
aggerate the severity of any panic. In times of
industrial depression the uncertainty of the money
would be added to other uncertainties; in fact,
it would be greater than all other uncertainties
combined. In good times the banks would reap
larger rroflts and in bad times tho people would
suffer greater loss.
The branch bank feature is the one that is just
now exciting alarm among tho small banks, for
they are beginning to see that the Fowler bill is
the death warrant of the small banker. A banker
who supports trusts and is willing that small
dealers should bo driven out of business cannot
consistently oppose a bank trust merely because
the bank trust will drive tho small banker out of
business, but a democrat who Is opposed to tho,
principle of private monopoly can oppose the,
branch bank and tho money trust as well-as other v
trusts.
The republicans do not dare to pass this bill