a
doprlvo tho man, particularly qualified for 'tho
tanking business, of tho privilogo of working for
himself and profiting by bis toll and his ability;
and In tho place of Independent bankers It will
glvo us, as overy trust has glvon us, a great body
of hired men, working upon a salary, depondont
for tholr positions upon tho whim and pleasure of
an employer.
Tho trust systom Is advorso to the Interests of
tho country bankers, exactly as it Is adverse to tho
interests of people generally. It Is directly ad
vorso to the Interests of tho country bankers be
causo as cortaln as night follows day a groat "bank
ing trust will bo established In this country un
loss tho people unlto for tho purpose of crushing
out tho trust system altogether.
Wo cannot encourage the organization of trusts
In some lines and deny tho privilege in others; and
this will bo particularly true with relation to tho
business which deals in money.
Tho country bankers will do well to array
themselves against tho trust system. They will
do woll to turn their backs upon the republican
party and glvo their support to a political organi
zation that demands equal rights to all and pro
tests against special privileges to any class.
JJJ
Strenuosity in Demand.
The Washington correspondent of the Chicago
Journal tells of a breakfast recently given at
Senator Hanna's house at which the president was
tho guest. This corrospdndont says:
Hero is tho explanation. Tuesday James J.
Hill was in the city. Ho lunched and dined
with Senator Hanna and ho wont to tho capi
tal and talked with all tho senators and most
of tho representatives from tho states of tho
northwest. What Hill said to the senators
and membors was not complimentary to Roose
velt. Six months ago, when Hill was here, ho
lunchod at the White house. This time ho put
up at tho Arlington and lunohed with Hanna
Ho told everybody he met that the man in tho
White house was a dangerous radical; that
his anti-railroad campaign was a menace to
the prosperity of tho country; that ho was
stirring up populism in tho northwest; that
he was no better than a socialist, and many
othor things of tho kind.
What tho eminent railroad merger king
told Hanna was much to the same effect. Ho
also told Hanna something to be repeated to
Roosevelt, and it was to talk over this mess
age that tho now famous breakfast was ar
ranged at the unseemly hour of 8 a. m.
Without professing to repeat the exact
words used at the breakfast, and without vio
lating any confidences, it may be stated that
Mr. Hill wished Roosevelt to understand that
ho could not go on as he had been doing,
bringing suits under tho Sherman anti-trust
law against his railroads, stirring up tho In
terstate commerce commission to bring in
junctions, prosecuting tho meat and other
trusts, and generally interfering with tho
peaceful operation of railroad business, with
out being brought to account for it.
A great many people have been puzzled be
cause of Mr. Roosevelt's proceedings against tho
beef trust. It is true that those financiers who
are not directly interested in the packing houses
have no great concern for tho beef trust and yet
it is evidently feared, and naturally so, that if
tho proceedings against the beef trust are success
ful, a popular demand will be made for similar
proceedings against other trusts.
If Mr. Roosevelt should in all seriousness pro
ceed against the trusts, it cannot be doubted that
a very strong opposition would be built up against
him within his own party, however much ho
might have tho approval of tho rank and file of
the party.
However important tho figure of J. J. Hill
may be In business circles, it is humiliating that a
trust magnate engaged in a violation of law would
daro to threaten tho president of tho United
. States if tho president undertook seriously to en
force tho law.
If Mr. Roosevelt really intends to wage a ser
ious fight against the trust system, ho will have
The Commoner. ,
need for all the "strenuosity" he can summon. Ho
will bo discouraged by party leaders and threat
ened by men of high influence in business and po
litical circles. It is probable, also, that a serious
fight against the trusts by Mr. Roosevelt would
result in his defeat for tho republican nomination,
but there are things worse than political defeat
and there are things better than political victory.
Tho people aro feeling the exactions df the
trusts and if Mr. Hoosovelt shall mdko -a deter
mined effort to protect the people from tho evils
of tho trust system, and to punish the, wealthy
and influential lawbreakers, eVen though he bo
defeated In the republican convention ho wjll re
. tiro from office honored and. respected for pa
triotic effort shown in a warfare against a mighty
evil.
In a speech at Minneapolis, when he was
vice president, Mr. Roosevelt said that it might
bo necessary in tho future ta "shackle cunning as
in the past we had shackled force." Tho "future"
to which Mr. Roosevelt referred is at hand. It is
time the "shackling" process was commenced. Tho
shackles will not, however, be securely placed if
the president shows the least timidity in the dis
charge of his duty.
"Cunning" may be effectually shackled if Mr.
Roosevelt is as strenuous in the discharge of his
public duty as he is in tho delivery of his public
speeches.
JJJ
A Novel Defense.
The Chicago Record-Herald provides a novel
defense for General Smith.- In an editorial en
titled "Well to Remember" the Record-Herald
says:
Even if General Smith shall be convicted
of issuing an order at variance with the rules
of civilized warfare and abhorrent to Ameri
can ideas of Christian conduct toward tho
most treacherous foes,, it will still be, well toUH
remember that there has been no evidence pro
duced yet that his Orders Were obeyed or re- '
suited in the wholesale slaughter of Filipino
women and children.
Until this is established by credible tes
timony Americans have a right to believe
that United States soldiers in the Philippines
disregarded orders where obedience would
have exposed them to tho execration of tho ,
Christian world. In such a matter involving
the honor and humanity of the American army
judgment should wait on facts and not be-rendered
on hysterics.
It is not at all likely that intelligent men will
regard it their duty to acquit General Smith on
the theory that even though he gave these out
rageous orders his subordinates refused to carry
them into effect.
It is the soldier's duty to obey orders and it
is not at all probable that any soldier,, having
regard for his personal welfare, would refuse to
obey an order given by his superior.
To believe that General Smith's brutal order
was carried into effect on many occasions cannot
be attributed to "hysterics." A man who would
be so brutal as to issue such an order would bo
sufficiently determined to see that the order was
carried into effect, particularly if one of his sub
ordinates undertook to test the question as to
whether a subordinate might pass upon a super
ior's instructions.
JJJ
' 'Patriotism of the South."
The Washington Star says: "Confidence in
tho patriotism of the south is not confined to a
few men north of Mason and Dixon's line. Mr
McKinloy felt it and had occasion to prove it Mr'
Roosevelt feels it and declares it. It is widespread
among men who really count in tho national equa
tion and it is not complimentary to our discern
ment that so important a fact should for a mo
ment anywhere be obscured by tho mere cackle of
windjammers and machine politicians "
Is it not also about time to quit discussing tho
"patriotism of the south?"
It will occur to the average man that no ma-
p qli aNo. 19.
terial contribution to the cordial relations exist
ing between the north and the south is made by
constant reference to the fact that at one timo
these sections were pitted against one another, it
must also grate somewhat harshly on the southern
man to bo constantly reminded that tho orator who
Is addressing him, or the newspaper editor who is
writing for him believes that he is a "patriotic
citizen."
The south is a very important portion of this
union. There is ho difference between the patriot
ism of the average southern man and the patriot
ism of the average northern man. Confidence or
-a protended lack of confidence in the patriotism
of the south on the. part of ne politician Is not of
serious consequence. The south is today, a moro
important portion of this country than it ever was
In all its history; and it is just as unnecessary for
one to continually harp upon tho "patriotism of
tho south" as it would be foolish for any one to ex
press the opinion that the Bouth is untrue to itself
by being untrue to the country of which it is a
most conspicuous and important part.
When two neighbors have been reunited after
a serious falling out, they display their wisdom
by avoiding referonce to their late unpleasantness;
and certainly these neighbors would not contri
bute to the cordial relations if when the two
came together, the time was employed in assuring
one another that the differences were at an end.
It Is just as well to take facts for granted;' and
"the patriotism of the south" does not really pro
vide a subject for serious comment.
JJJ. .
Freedom the Schoolmaster.
The Kansas City Journal, republican, takes
issue with a statement made by Senator Car
mack. Senator Carmack said,
Freedom is the only schoolmaster that can
teach the lesson of freedom., No people ever
learned self-government under a tutor". fNo
people ever learned to govern themselves by
being '"held in subjection by a higher" and
stronger power. The idea that you are going
to transform the character of a whole people
by teaching them to read English, by setting
up a carpetbag government for them to look
at and pay taxes to; the idea that you can
teach them to govern themselves by making
them bear the burdens of a foreign govern
ment, is the wildest, the craziest, the most
fantastic dream that ever flitted through a
lunatic's brain.
Even while taking issue with Senator Car
mack, the Journal confuses itself when it says:
Example has ever been the greatest civ
ilizing force known to humanity. If liberal
forms of government are extant upon the
earth it is because the people of one region
seek for and adopt the methods found suc
cessful by their neighbors.
If example "has ever been the greatest civ
ilizing force known to humanity," why do we now
substitute conquest for example?
If liberal forms of government exist because
people seek for and adopt the methods found suc
cessful by their neighbors, will any people be in
fluenced to adopt a republican f5rm of govern
ment when the greatest republic on earth has
failed and refused to apply the cardinal principles
of republicanism as we fail and refuse to do with
respect to the Philippine islands?
No less an authority than Daniel Webster said,
in effect, what Senator Oarmack has said. Daniel
Webster declared: "Who supposes that anything
but the independence of this country made us
what we are? I say to you, as I have said before,
and shall continue to say until tho time of my
death, that it is not the nature of any colonial
system of government to raise a country and
raise a nation to the highest pitch of prosperity.
It is independence, self-government, the liberty of
people to make laws for themselves, that has
elevated us from tho subdued feeling of colonial
subjection and placed us where we aro. It is
independence. Hail, Independence! Hail, thou
next best gift to that of life and an immortal
soul!"
In a speech in favor of tho recognition of tho
South American republics, Honry Clay said, "With
respect to the nature of their strength, I have not
now for the first time to express my opinions and
wishes. I wish them independence. It is the flr3t
step toward improving their condition."
