a
Vol. a, No.; 18.;v
undertakes to oorlously say that the coronation
coromonlos of a king are more important than-the
inaugural ceromonies of a president, the domocrat
is tempted to ask "why," and to domand .proof.
In this instance Senator Dcpew will discover that
comparisons aro decidedly odious. -, . .
Tho king is not chosen for his place because
of any ominont qualifications. Ho is not picked
from among his fellows to rule over a pooplo bc
causo of his. virtues. and his ability. Ho is tho
product of the notion that some men are "divinely
ordained" to rule ovor other inon. Ho owes his
kingship to tho accldont of birth, and though ho
woro all which oven the humblest citizen should
not bo in his private life, though his inclinations,
his temperament, and his disposition were all
which would unfit a man for the dischargo of pub
lic duties, ho would yet bo "the king in spite pf any
thing tho people could' do, short of revolution", to
rolegato him to private life.
But tho prcsidont is first required to run tho
gauntlet in 'a political cbnvention; his merits and
IiIb shortcomings aro d;:ly woighed through a long
nnd heated campaign; his virtues ate extolled and
his weaknesses aro pointed out; he is weighed in
tho balanco by an intelligent people; ho stands
for certain principles and policies which aro de
fended during tho campaign; and when elected ho
becomes neither n presidential master nor a king
ly figtfro-head; ho becomes an official in whoso
hands aro placed largo responsibilities and enorm
ous powers. Tho people whom ho serves depend
upon his patriotism,-- his wisdom and his fidelity
t6 oxorciso those powors justly. In his official pbsi
tion he providos the nlost inspiring spectacle, with
all the simplicity surrounding tho inaugural core
monies, that is oVor presented to tho world.
Look upon tho two pictures, if you please.
With pomp and pa'geantry the king is crowned.
Ho is of "royal" birth and hence a king.
' v r With simple 'cbre'monieB, In" the presence dtan '
enthusiastic people, tho president is inaugurated.
In tho majority of Instances in our own country,
ha president was a man of humble birth. By
reason of tho possibilities under our system of gov
ernment, he Burmounted obstacles and reached his
position bocauso tho people had confidence in his
integrity and his wisdom.
The inauguration of a president represents
considerably more than tho crowning of a- king.
Tho inauguration of a president Is a matter of
"national significance" for obvious reasons. It be
comes a matter of "International significance" be
cause it serves to impress upon the people of the
world, upon tho subjects of kings and of princes,
tho manifold advantages of a system wherein ev-
ory man is a king and public servants aro chosen
because of their virtues.
JJJ
Despotic Central Strength.
It is somewhat strango that although tho
Amorican peoplo have been confronted with indis
putable facts concorning tho machine power in tho
house of representatives, which is presumed to bo
a thoroughly 1 epresontativo body, no general re
volt against this condition was observable until
Mr. Cushman, a republican member, entered a
vigorous protest. Mr. Cushman did not make a
discovery. Ho simply emphasized a fact which
for several years had beon evident to every one
who paid clcso attention to the houso proceedings.
Mr. Babcoclc, a republican member from Wis
consin, for instance, conceived tho very practical
plan of fighting tho trusts by removing the prod
ucts of the trusts from tho benefits of tho protec
tive taiiff. Many republicans who had sneered at
tho Babcoek plan when it appeared as a plank in
the Kansas City platform, rushed to the support
pf their representative in congress and adopted
resolutions intended to encourage him in his good
work.
But Mr. Babcoclc and other republican mem
bers who made any sort of an effort in tho direc
tion of protecting public interests against tho en-
The Commoner. f .
croachmont of special interests, very soon discov
ered how helpless a member of the house was wil
der ttie republican regime. 4
: Mr. - Cushman'g speech was the first indica
tion of a serious rebellion on the part of re
publican mombors. In truth, Mr. Cushman's
speech was tho first indication that there wero
republicans In tho houso of representatives who
had courage enough to assert their manhood' and
to defend' their rights as members of a body in
tended to bo representative of the people.
Tho condition against which Mr. Cushman and
other republicans' onveighed and against' which
democrats long1 ago protested, is thoroughly rep
resentative of the republican party as it is organ
ized today. Commenting upon this situation, tho
St Louis Republic says:
This despotic central strength now domi-
nating tho republican party is at once ' tho
proof of tho party's present power and tho
sign of its impending weakness and collapse.
Tho insolent dominance of the influences in
control of the organization is possible because
of the existing majorities in the two houses
of congress. The final result of such rule,
however, cannot but be a disintegration of
.party strength, the earliest symptoms of which
are manifested by such utterances as those of
Cushman of Washington. Additional rebel
lion will be developed in the approaching- con
gressional elections, and tho republican na
tional convention and campaign of 190'4 will
be stormy with protest and revolt against tho
machine rule which co.mpels the surrender of
that party's Americanism and the substitution
of the new practice and doctrine of imperial
centralization.
There is such a tiling as "spinning a web in
fernally fine." Republican leaders may,- after
all, have presumed too much upon the devotion of
the rank' arid fileof tho republican party tb n
irijero prejudice'. 'They may have presumed too
much upon, th(i readiness of the peoplo to accept
the picture of a "full dinner pall" as the assur
ance not only of tho Vfi dinner pall" as a, fact,
but as tho assurance of "an "administration of the
powers of government In' favor of the many rather
than in the interests of the few. And the tlmo
may yet come when the peoplo will havo discov
ered that "all is not gold that glitters," and that
the republican party is today a party of false
pretenses.
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'
,e(
JJJ
Justice) to the Administration,
' Some republican newspapers insist that demo
crats do not do justice to the administration on the
trust question. Thoy point out that the adminis
tration is exertingMts "best efforts" to call the beef
trust to an accounting, and they say that tho ad
ministration should have the cordial support rather
than the criticism of those who are opposed to tho
trust system. J-
It is true that every serious effort made by
the administration against the trusts is entitled to
cordial support; and we think that Mr. RooseVelt
has received, at tho hands of democrats very gen
erally, encouragement in the work he is said to
have undertaken.
But it is not out of place to direct attention
to the fact that the administration is not exerting
its best efforts in its opposition to the beef trust.
One provision in the. federal anti-trust law is as
follows:
Every person who shall monopolize or at
tempt to monopolize, or combine or conspire
with any other person or persons to monopol
ize any part of the trade or commerce among
thq several states or with foreign nations,
shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and
on conviction thereof shall be punished by a
fine not exceeding $5,000 or by imprisonment
not exceeding one year, or by both said pun
ishments, in the discretion of tho court.
No effort so far has been made to hold' the
beef trust magnates to account under the criminal
section of this federal statute. Influential men
might laugh at injunction proceedings where they
would become-very sober and serious in tho. pres
ence of criminal prosecution. ' rf'
Whatever may be said by way of giving ap- -proval
to the civil proceedings instituted against
tho beef trus.t by tho administration, Mr. Roosevelt
will not be free from criticism until he shall in
struct tho law officers of the government to pro
ceed against these trust magnates under tho crim
inal section of the federal statute.
- Audthor thing that has occurred to a great
many people is that there are many other itrusfs
in existence that impose upon the people-and-cfe'al
with things essential to the welfare of the'rpodple,'
against which trusts the administration has "made
no move. -r - -
'There are at least fifty capable lawyers serving
as district attorneys under this government. -Non,
of these are Overworked, . "-
If Mr. Roosevelt is determined to "shackle
cunning," why does he not call to his aid tho emi
nent ability that is available under the depart
ment of jus.tice and proceed against every trust
that conspires against the life and welfare of tho
people? .
Why does he not proceed against every "or
ganization . of men that operates in restfainfrTof
trade?
JJJ
Why Not Test It?
In his'speech delivered at the banquet given in,
his honor in New York city on the evening of May
1'4, "Wliitelaw Reld, -who is to misrepresent ' tho,.
American people at the coronation ceremonies 6f
the King of England, said:
"But, gentlemen, whoever supposes from--thls
forth on the surface where the hunters
' for" a campaign issue have been spouting, that
the great body of tho American people, irro-v;
f" spective of party or race ? or. section, do-.notj.
. 4 with heart and settled judgment approve, the '
purpose of the president 'in sending this em
bassy, is as ignorant of this generation on
American soil as he is of the generation that
preceded Columbus."
It is a fact that although Mr. Roosevelt has
appointed a special delegation to misrepresent this
country at the king's coronation ceremonies,' ho
has not dared to ask congress to make an appro
priation to pay tho expenses of that delegation.
The American peoplo are not at all stingy, and
whenever they are represented at a foreign court
they; will cheerfully pay the expenses of the rep--resentation,
provided that representation is neces
sary or not wholly out of accord with American
notions. ' .-
Now, if Mr. Reid and men who believe as he
, does, think that "tho great body of American peo
ple' irrespective of party, of race, or section, with
heart and settled judgment approve the purpose of
thg, president in sending this embassy," how does
he explain the fact that neither the president nor
any member of congress who commends the presi
dent's action in this respect has dared to submit
to congress a request for an appropriation to pay
the expenses of this embassy?
Mr. Reid and the men who believe as he does
know that the members of congress, particularly
the members of the house of representatives, havo
some idea of the temper of the people. . If the
members of congress believed that "with, heart and '
settled judgment" the American peoplo approved
of Mr. Roosevelt's purpose in this respect, an ap
propriation bill providing for the payment of tho
expenses of this special delegation would be in- '
troduced in congress and passed in short .order.
The very fact that no republican has yet dared
to ask congress to make this appropriation shows .
that from Mr. Roosevelt down to the humblest re-
fw a? efdP r IU the land' ifc is wel1 deVstood
that with heart and settled judgment" the Ameri
can peoplo absolutely condemn tho appointment
of this special delegation.
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