77v
';
, .r
and immediately prior to, tho Spanish-Amorican
war porlod. , .
These messages aro full of denunciations of the
practices in Cuba, which practices woro not so
brutal as recont rovolations would indicate the
practices in tho Philippines to bo.
In tho messago of December 1, 1897, Mr. Mc
Kinloy referred to tho concentration system, then
established in Cuba by Spain and now maintained
by tho United States in tho Philippines, as
cruel policy." He said that this was not "civillz.cd
warfare' it was "extermination;" and ho referred
to this policy as "an abuse of the rights of war.";
And in his messago of April 11, 1898, Mr. McKin
ley roltoratod tho statements of his 1897 messago
and, rof erring to this concentration system, de
clared: "The only peaco it could beget was that
of tho wildorncss and the grave."
In his message of Decombor 6, 1897, Mr. Mc
Kinlpy'donounced Spain's policy in Cuba as-a sys
tom of warfare that tended "to drive tho Cubans
to tho horrible alternative of taking to tho thicket
or succumbing to misery." Ho reforrod, in that
oamo message, to "tho policy of cruel rapine and
oxtorm inat'ion that so long shocked the universal
Bontimont of humanity." Ho referred also to tho
Spanish commander "whoso brutal orders in
flamed tho American mind and shocked tho civil
ized world." Ho denounced "tho horrible order of
concentration."
In, his message of April 11, 1898, Mr. McKlnloy
referred to Spain's policy in Cuba as "the horrors
of strife of a now and inhuman phase, happily
unprecedented in the modorn history of civilized
Christian peoples." He donounced a policy where
in "tho farms woro laid waste, dwellings unroofed
and fired, mills destroyed, and, in short, every
thing that could desolate tho land and render it
unfit for human habitation or support."
In tho same messago Mr. McKinley said:
"Tho prospect of a protraction and continuation
of the present strife is a contingency hardly Jto bo
contemplated with equihimity by tho civilized
world." He spoke of tho United States acting
"according to tho largo dictates of humanity;"
and as tho first ground for intervention, ho pro
posed: "In the cause of humanity and to put an
end to tho barbarities, bloodshed, starvation and
horrible miseries now existing there and which
tho parties to tho conflict are oithor unable or
unwilling to stop or mitigate."
It has not been forgotten either that in the
preamble of the war resolutions, it was said that
"the abhorrent conditions which have existed for
more than throe years in tho island of Cuba so
near our own borders, havo shocked the moral
sense of tho poople of tho United States and havo
been a disgrace to Christian civilization."
"When Spain did things in Cuba similar to tho
things we aro now doing in tho Philippines, these
things were bitterly denounced. No attempt was
made to apologize for them; and yet today when
American citizens protest against these evils in tho
Philippines they aro arraigned as enemies pi their
own government and as assailants of tho American
army!
What special dispensation "can there be that
would justify a wrong committed in the name of
our own government which, if done by tho repre
sentatives of any other government, would call
for prompt and vigorous protest in every seotioa
of this country? ;. ...v
JJJ - '"
Listen to Charles Sumner.
Tho republican party onco claimed Charle3
Sumner as an authority. In the United States
senate on March 27, 1871, Charles Sumner deliv
ered an address relating to tho acquisition of tho
island of San Domingo, a thing which President
Grant had been most anxious to accomplish. But
tho hopes of President Grant in this respect wero
destroyed because tho opponents of tho acquisi
tion, led-by Sumner and men of-his class, appealed
The Commoner.
to tho traditional principles of this government. .
In this speech Mr. Sumner said "When I
speak for republican institutions it Is because I
would not havo our great example weakened be
fore tho world and our good name tarnished; and
when I speak for tho republican party, it is be
cause, from the beginning, I have been tho faithful
servant of that party and aspire to see it strong
and triumphant. But beyond all these considera
tions is tho commanding rule of justice, which
cannot be disobeyed with impunity."
Mr, Sumner then proceeded to say that two
questions should bo considered in dealing with
tho proposition before tho senate. The one was,
"Is it good for us?" and the other was, "Is it good
for thorn?" Ho added: "Tho more I meditato
these two considerations. I find myself forgetting
tho former and considering tho latter, or rather
tho former was absorbed in tho latter."
Would It not bo well for men who claim
Charles Sumner as a patron saint to consider tho
Philippine question from tho same standpoint that
Mr. Sumner regarded tho San Domingo question?
If, concerning the acquisition of the Philip
pines, wo ask, "Is it good for us?" wo find that
there is no practical reason why wo should assumo
this burden at the sacrifice of our most precious
principles. "
If wo. consider this question from tho stand
point, "Is it good for them?" wo aro naturally di
rected to the claim made by tho founders of our
own, government that the governed rather than
those who would assumo to govern are the best
judges of what Is well for the governed.
In the solution of this latter problem Mr.
Sumner 'a'ppified"1f6r himself tho "principle that
"tho acquisition of this territory would not be re
spectable or even tolerable unless by the consent
of tho people there, through rules of their own
choice and without force on our part-" Ho as
serted .the principle tjiat a contract for the cession
of territory must 'be-fair and without suspicion"Of
overawing- force; and- he added that "where one
party is more powerful than another, this principle
becomes moro imperative, especially must it bo
sacred with a republic for it owes nothing but the
mandate of justice. The rule is general in its ap
plication; nay more, it is part of universal law,
common to all municipal systems and to interna
tional law," Mr, Sumner also said: "Plainly there
can be no cession of territory and especially no
surrender of national independence except as the
result of war, so long as hostile cannon are
frowning."
JJJ
The Method of the Fathers
The Minneapolis Journal, in indorsing the
proposition that senators be elected by the peo
ple, says:
There is a widespread disappointment with
the method of the "fathers." During the last
decade the public have witnessed very shame
ful proceedings in tho elections of senators by
legislatures The country desires a change to
the broad basis of the popular vote. The
poople are not likely to "go wrong" very 0f-
tQ- iw?ent?ry of trIal has shown that tho
constitutional method is not the best The
house has four times tried to give constitu
t onal power to tho popular vote method and
tho senate has declined to further the pur
pose. The resolution now In the keeping of
tho senate committee should, not. bo allowed
to stay there. ,
Tho Journal is mistaken on one point. Tho
fathers were not necessarily irrevocably comini&ed
to the present method of electing senators. ln
tensely patriotic themselves, they did not imagine
that the time would come when the senate as
they had constructed it, would blast rathor than
nourish the hopes of tho people.
Benjamin Franklin once illustrated tho object
which the fathers sought to accomplish by the
different methods of choosing members of the
lower house and members of the senate by point
ing to a cup filled with hot coffee. He said that
one desiring to cool the liquid, would pour it into
. ',- VoI3fN6. 17.
"'
the saucer; and the senate being the less numerous
body and chosen directly by tho legislatures rather
than by tho people would consider proper legisla.
tlpn more calmly than tho lower house would do.
Tho thing which tho fathers hoped to ac
complish was wise and patriotic legislation and
they believed that nono but the very best men
would bo elected to tho senate. But inthis day
when tho millionaire and the representative of
selfish interest is the rule, rather than the excep
tion, in the membership of that body, the very;
thing which the fathers sought to accomplish has
been made impossible of accomplishment under
the present plan.
It Is doubtless true that the rank and file of
every political organization aro heartily in favor of
the election of senators by the people and nothing
more clearly shows tho impunity with which re
publican leaders act on public questions in de
fiance of public sentiment than the position "taken
on the question of the election of senators by emi
nent republicans in the United States senate.
JJJ
The CroWder Report.
Several -weeks have passed since Colonel
Crowder made his report concerning the British
camp at .Port Chalmette and yet no announcement
of action upon that report has been made by Mr,
Roosevelt.
The Washington correspondent of the Chi
cago Record-Herald, referring to Colonel Crowders
report, says: '. '
He found a state of facts on which this
government would be justified in asking the
British authorities to make a radical change
in their methods. At first it was understood
the government would meet the issue and
send such a request to the BritiBh government,
not in any way weakening the principle for
which America has always contended tho
right of our citizens to sell to belligerents
but in disapproval of objectionable methods
employed by the British in this instance.
"The British have done their business here
in the most offensive way possible," -says' &
member of the cabinet. "They have kept
within their legal rights, bub they'. oughttd
be compelled to quit for their" stupidity'':
Attorney General Knox has not .finished'
his examination of the subject. Probably ne
will not finish it for several weeks to come.
The truth is, of course, that the administration
wishes to offend neither the Boer sympathizers
nor the British government, and hopes that
by delaying action peace may be declared In
South Africa and the whole question be wiped
off the slate.
Does not Mr. Roosevelt owe something to tho
dignity of the United States? Here a republican
correspondent of a republican newspaper quotes a
member of tho cabinet as saying, concerning the
British camp: "The British have done their busi
ness here in the most offensive way possible."
And yet it is added that because the administra
tion wishes to offend neither the Boer sympathizers
nor the British government, it will withhold ac
tion in the hope that peace may be declared and
the necessity for action may bo avoided
Even though the British were not flghting
men who are struggling to maintain a form of
government with which we are presumed to bo
most in sympathy, it would yet be tho duty of our
national representatives to rebuke any attempt on
the part of Great Britain to establish a military
camp upon United States soil.
n,i,TAieineth0(ls of these British .campmasters aro
admitted by a member of the cabinet to be de
action3! objectIonable and ? the president delays
line, nHiL81?1111111 ?a in evfiry instance that
to d? Swii!n e a?minstratioahas been urged
to do something that might result indirectly in
ttrnhtrSB.8' lt has been listed tha"
rSSJtJn nis1tIatl0n Yas anxious to avoid giving
m iSrtraUon4 IZTT' and yet whenever the ad
ministration has had an opportunity to do any
thing of advantage to the British ministry it hL
promptly seized the opportunity. mmistry' ll haa
the Bow vSinniltrati0n wlshes t0 offend neither
king? Thfs So?o6M?r0natlon cereranles of tho
fends th BosympalKf n1011 ? ertaInly of'
observe anv inditS rs and yet we d not
ooHvmnu ? ,inclinatIon on Mr.
particular. aVOld lvln offense in this