The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, April 11, 1902, Page 3, Image 3

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April i i,'l 90a
try needs the judgment and conscience of its citi
zens; the conscience cannot act until the mind
is informed and nothing would contribute more to
the general information of the masses than the
official publication of such a paper as has been de
scribed. The democratic party cannot compete
with the republican party In the raising of cam
paign funds and in the circulating of campaign
literature, and democratic leaders have, therefore,
more reason than the republican leaders have to
favor the Inauguration of some plan for the -enlightenment
of the voters. Then, too, informa
tion coming through such a medium would havo
more influence than that which comes from a
partisan source and the reader would be mora
open to conviction than he is in the midst f a
campaign.
If free text books are furnished to children
because the republic requires an intelligent citi
zenship, certainly the government can afford for
the same reason to furnish to adults at cost the
necessary information in regard to public affairs;
if voluminous department reports can be fur
nished free to a few, certainly the people as it
whole should be able to secure a correct report of
official proceedings if they are willing to pay for
it. The proposed plan would involve no expense to
the government and the demand for the paper
would determine the number of copies to be
printed. It is to be hoped that some democratic
meniber or senator will bring this matter to the
attention of congress.
JJJ
Premeditated Vagueness.
The Chicago Tribune, a republican paper, in
an issue of recent date, editorially described the
ship subsidy bill in this way:
Manifestly the bill is drawn vaguely, but
not carelessly. The vagueness is premedi
tated. It is part of the game. The authors
and promoters of the bill wish to puncture ,
the treasury and keep the hole wide open.
They do not wish anybody to "stand by" with
a plug or stopper for the leaks they propose
to make and maintain for an indefinite period.
The Tribune disrespectfully submits that
the subsidy bill is a high price to pay for the
support of the Pennsylvania railroad in na
tional campaigns in states where it is not
needed. The republican party can, unaided,
carry Pennsylvania if it can carry any state.
When it cannot honestly carry Ohio, it can
not carry the country, and does not deserve to
carry it.
The effrontery of the subsidy proceedings
Is the amazing and discouraging feature of it.
When any considerable number of republican
senators become so case-hardened that they
can introduce and insist upon the passage of
a measure of this character they are evidently
preparing the way for a serious public rebuke
of their party. That party, when the money
question is out of the way, does not stand be
fore the country in an unassailable position.
Its alliances with the money power in the
east have given rise to much popular discon
tent In the west. When a partnership of this
kind is avowed, and is proclaimed to the whole
country as being a recognized compact, it is an
Invitation to a popular uprising which cannot
be overlooked. Such an invitation will be
,' swiftly followed by an acceptance in quarters
where it is least looked for or desired.
What does the Tribune mean when, referring
to the republican party, It says, "Its alliances with
the money power in the east have given rise to
much popular discontent in the west?"
What does the Tribune mean when it says,
"When a partnership of this kind (with the money
power) is avowed', and is proclaimed to the whole
country as being a recognized compact, it is an in
vitation to a popular uprising which cannot be
overlooked?"
And what does the Tribune mean when it
says, "Such an invitation will be swiftly followed
by an acceptance in quarters where it Is least
looked for or desired?"
Has not the Tribune told us all along that
there is no such thing as a money power? And
has it not assured us that the forces which some
people have referred to as the money power repre-
The Commoner.
sonted the "business Interests" of the country?
Does the Tribuno mean to incite discontent
among the masses and disrespect for "business in
terests?" We cannot forgot that at the time the Porto
Rico bill was passed, tho Tribune denounced the
measure in unqualified terms and within a few
weeks thereafter tho Tribune was brought to an
ardent support of the same measure which it had
vigorously denounced.
Will history repeat itself? At the first sign of
a popular uprising against this partnership will
the Tribune be found defending the subsidy bill
with all the vigor it now employs in condemning
it? Or are we to understand that this "Invitation"
to a "popular uprising will be swiftly followed by
an acceptance In quarters where it is least looked
for or desired" even in the editorial sanctum of
the Chicago Tribuno?
JJJ
Twixt Satan and the Sea.
The Chicago Tribuno pleads with the repub
licans in the house not to postpone action on tho
ship subsidy bill. The Tribune admits that if tho
house should pass the bill tho republican spell
binders would have to do much explaining next
fall, but it adds: "They will not be much bettor
off if the house should postpone action, for it
would be difficult for them to justify the passage
of this bill in the senate or to dispel the popular
apprehension that the house has put off action
on the bill intending to pass it later. Awkward
questions will be asked of these spell-binders as
to what are the real intentions of tho majority,
and why it is that this bill is left suspended be
tween heaven and earth."
And the Tribune makes this pathetic plea:
The course of honesty Is the course of ex
pediency also. There should be no dodging
or equivocating. The bill should be taken up
and disposed of now. If it is the policy of the
republican party to enter on a general ship
subsidy scheme it should havo the 'courage of
its convictions and take the consequences. If
that is not to be tho policy of the party, then
the party should havo the credit of it and
should not permit itself to appear in a dubious
attitude before the rublic.
It is not at all likely that the republicans in
the house will take the Tribune's advice. It is
more probable that they will postpone action and
depend upon the ability of their organs and theJr
orators to make the people believe prior to elec
tion day that the subsidy bill has no chance of
p'assing the house; and after election day It will
be the same old story of misplaced confidence.
The republican party has had such wonder
ful luck in fooling a large number of the people
all of the time that it is not the least surprising
that republican leaders count confidentially upon
their ability to win new successes on this line.
JJJ
The Inevitable Result.
Judge Taft, the present head of our carpetbag
government in tho Philippines, is reported as say
ing that he Is opposed to the reconcentrado policy
which General Bell is said to have established in
some parts of the Philippines. It Is creditable to
Mr. Taft that he does not approve of the cruel
system introduced by Weyler and now being at
tempted in South Africa as well as In the Philip
pines, but the system is the inevitable result of an
imperial policy. A government resting upon force,
administered arbitrarily and defended by hypoc
risy, is not apt to shrink from any measure which
is calculated, or thought to be calculated, to re
store order. We may at this time shudder to
think that women and children are to be starved in
order to compel husbands and fathers to lay down
their arms, but by the time we have thoroughly
accepted imperialism we will be prepared to look
with equanimity upon atrocities which now shock
us. '
When we conclude that Destiny requires the
killing of those who love' liberty more than they
do life, it will be an easy step to the position oc
cupied by thoso who lay tho blame for starvation
of women and children upon the warriors who
could ond the reconcentrado policy by being good
subjects.
The Detroit Nowo-Tribuno published an ar
ticle by Lieut. Jos. L. Kraemer of tho 38th U. S.
volunteer infantry. In tho course of tho article
tho lieutenant sneers at tho "kid glove style of
warfaro" that has prevailed in tho Philippines,
and is gratified by tho report that the Filipinos
"aro to bo given a taste of real war." He thus
describes tho devastation of tho country:
Wo sot fire to all tho houses and barracks
and destroyed tho corn, tobacco and other
crops. From that height wo had a splendid
view of tho surrounding country, and wo could
trace tho advance of our troops by tho burning
houses and villages, even if wo could not see
tho men. Tho villages wore strung along the
road as thickly as you will see them In Eu
ropo, about a quarter or half a milo apart.
Everything would bo still and qulot, when
suddenly wo would see a flamo burst from tho
noarest house. Then tho next ono would bo
seen to be on fire, and so it spread until every
house in the vlllago was blazing. Occasionally
wo would hear firing, and wo knew our men -were
killing tho water buffalo, the only draught
animals tho Filipinos have.
Ho oven admits that tho soldiers were touched
by tho sight of tho suffering, saying:
It was a pitiful sight when they began to
come in. They camo in droves, each woman
carrying her food and what belongings sho had
been able to take with her, in a bundle, and
many of them wore carrying babies as well.
They had been obliged to leave their water
buffaloes behind them when thoy left their
"homes, and as these animals are their solo
means of transport, they had to travel on foot.
And now tho buffaloes had been slaughtered
by thousands and were scattered all over tho
country. Tho women traveled all day and
reached our lines by nightfall, hungry, weary
and footsore,. I never saw soldiers so touched
as our men were when thoy saw this pitiful
procession coming in.
If the republicans who are supporting the ad
ministration's policy will employ a few Sunday af
ternoons In calculation they may bo ablo to form
some estimate as to the length of timo it will
take us to cultivate an affectionate feeling among
the Filipinos and make them realize the advant
ages of our Christian civilization. And yet, revolt
ing as aro the details of tho war now being car
ried on, imperialism Is so heartless a policy that
it will, if still pursued, ultimately involve our na
tion In transactions from which tho most hard
ened imperialist would at this time shrink.
JJJ
Using the Sub-Treasury.
It is announced that the bankers have ar
ranged with the treasury department to deposit
some twenty millions at New York and draw it
out at San Francisco. The dispatch does not say
whether they aro to pay any exchange, but It is to
be assumed that they will. Under the present
postal order system it Is possible to deposit ono
dollar (or other sums) at the postofflce in New
York and draw it out at San Francisco or any
other place. Why not extend it to big transactions?
If tho government had a sub-treasury at every
state capital it could keep its money so distri
buted that there would be but little necessity for
the daily transfer of money by rail. The govern
ment could thus sell exchange for a much less sum
than- a bank possibly could. By all means let the
banks try the experiment and the government
may find It a profitable addition to the regular
work of the money order department, but of. course
the privileges extended to the banks must be ex
tended to all.
The St. Louis single tax league and a number
of other political societies and labor organizations
have passed resolutions appreciative of Mr. Alt
geld's services. His speeches on public questions
have.left a permanent impression upon the thought
of the country.