The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, April 11, 1902, Image 1

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    The Commoner
Vol. 2. No. 12.
Lincoln, Nebraska, April u, 1902.
Whole No. 64
The republican administration is greatly em
barrassed by the fact that the southern demo
crats are demanding the emancipation of the
Sulu slaves. The people south of the Mason and
Dixon line remember that about forty years ago
the republican party was very much opposed to
sjavery; they recall that the republican party has
at various and sundry times since boasted of hav
ing emancipated some four millions of black3.
Now that this same republican party, has raised
the stars and stripes over the Sultan's domains
and looks complacently upon the existence of slav
ery in the Philippines the southern representatives
in congress are insisting that the brown men of
the Pacific shall enjoy the freedom accorded to
the negroes of the Gulf states. To make the issue
clear and distinct Congressman Patterson of Ten
nessee has introduced the following bill:
H. R. 13285. A bill to abolish slavery in
the Philippine archipelago, and for other pur
poses. Be it enacted by the senate and house of
representatives of the United States of Ameri
ca in congress assembled, that from and after
the passage of this act there shall be neither
slavery nor involuntary servitude in tne Jrnu
imilnn nrfihlnGlasro. or in anv nrovince or de-
-, pendency now held by the United States gov
ernment, or which may hereafter be acquired.
Sec. 2. That the so-called treaty or agree
ment made and entered into between John C.
Bates, brigadier general of the United States
volunteers, acting for the government, and the
Sultan of the Sulu archipelago and the datos
whose names appear as parties to said agree
ment or treaty dated August' 20, 1892, be, and
the same is hereby, disapproved and disaf
firmed, and declared void and of no effect.
Sec. 3. That the purchase, sale, or gift
of slaves in the whole of said archipelago is
hereby forbidden and declared illegal, like
wisp the importation of any person bought or
in any manner acquired in a foreign country
and transported for the purpose of involun
tary servitude to the Philippine archipelago.
What will the republicans do? Will they pass
the Patterson bill and thus give the democrats the
credit of having compelled emancipation? Or will
they kill the bill and admit that imperialism has
entirely revolutionized the sentiment of the party?
Wo shall see.
Plutocracy in Instruction.
According to the Boston Herald, "Mr. Alleyno
Ireland, F. R. G. S., the English expert on tropi
cal colonization," has been employed as an in
structor in the University of Chicago. "He goes
as special commissioner of the university to the
far east and will devote three years to the study
of the condition and government of European col
onies in Asia." He is also to bring back "an
entirely unbiased" report on the Philippine prob
lem. Upon his return in 1905 he is to occupy
"the chair of colonial history, politics and com
merce which will be created for him at the unl-'
Mr. Ireland is already a writer of some promi
nence, his book on "Tropical Colonization" being
his most important work. Attention is called to
this matter because it is one of the many, evi
dences of the studied and concerted effort on 'the
part of plutocracy to change public sentiment and
substitute the doctrines of Europe for tho doc
trines of America. Hero is a great university en
dowed by tho chief stockholder in one of tho
greatest and most extortionate of trusts. Tha
Standard Oil company is the most open and notor
ious law-breaker in tho United States, besido
which petty criminals who are in the penitentiary
seem insignificant. It not only controls tho oil
business, but is reaching out for tho monopoly of
other branches of business, and already its New
York bank exerts a potent influence on national
finances. The institution endowed by this pr.lnea
of trust magnates sends to England for a cham
pion of the colonial idea, publishes tho fact that
he is to be sent to Asia to study the colonial
problem and then is to occupy a chair and givo
to American students the advantage (?) of his
natural bias in favor of monarchical institutions
and tho results of his biased investigations as to
colonial government.
It U not necessary for us to wait until his
return to know what his instruction will bo.
The whole tenor of it will be to cultivate a con
tempt for the doctrines set forth in the Declara
tion of Independence and to inculcate a love for tho
doctrines of conquest and spoliation. He is to
write articles for American magazines and his
views will be spread broadcast as the views of a
"learned" and "unbiased" man.
The readers : of The Commoner are -urged to
bring these matters to the attention of their re
publican neighbors in order that the rank and
file of the republican party may know, of the
insidious and persistent attacks which are being
made upon American ideas and the fundamental
principles of free government.
At this time when the anniversary of Jeffer
son's birth is being celebrated it is well to note
the difference between national expansion under
Jeff erson, "and imperialism under President Roose
velt. Jefferson favored the annexation of con
tiguous territory, to bo inhabited by American
citizens and to be built into American states.
Roosevelt favors the conquest of remote islands,
to be inhabited by subjects and to be held as col
onies, taxed without representation and governed
without the consent of the governed. Jefferson's
doctrine was in harmony with the Declaration of
Independence and the spirit of the revolutionary
fathers; Roosevelt's policy is an imitation of the
policy of King George III.
A reader of The Commoner, thinking that
Third Assistant Postmaster General Madden needs
instruction in political doctrines, offers to sub
scribe for The Commoner for Mr. Madden regular
ly. The editor appreciates the offer and regrets
to be compelled to refuse, but it was evident that
it was being subscribed for because of the "doc
trines advocated" and Mr. Madden is a little
touchy on this point. If tho aforesaid reader had
subscribed for a paper for Mr. Madden and given
any other reason for so doing or had he given no
reason at all the paper could have been sent with
out 'any Infraction of-the . law such is the mys
terious ruling of the postofflce department
In a recent issue of Tho Commoner roforoncs
was mado to ex-Senator Hill's article in tho Feb
ruary Forum of 1897. On another page will b
found that part of tho article which deals spe
cifically with tho planks to which ho objocted.
Ho begins by complaining of his defeat as tempo
rary chairman of tho convention of 1896, saying:
"Fair-minded democrats who had learned to re
spect tho time-honored usages of the party wera
astonished at tho revolutionary proceedings ot
that body (the convention) in arbitrarily and un
necessarily rejecting, contrary to every democratic
precedent, tho selection of the national committee
men for temporary chairman." What a grievance!
If the national committee had had any conception
of democratic principles it would have respected
tho well-known wishes of the delegates and would
not have tried to force upon tho convention a
temporary chairman whose views had been re
jected at the primaries. Mr. Hill could havo
avoided humiliation in that convention by refus
ing to join with the minority in an attempt to se
cure control of tho convention, and ho has no ono
hut himself to blame for tho merited jebukejjyhlcu.
he recplvecir" ilHs not very modest lnlilm to par
ado his defeat as if ho were entitled to more con
sideration than tho convention Itself. If it was
"revolutionary" for the majority of tho conven
tion to disregard the wishes of the committeo,
how shall we characterize the action of the com
mittee, in disregarding the rights of the delegates?
Which was entitled to superior consideration, the
committee or the convention? Mr. Hill or the
democratic party?
But while his criticism of the convention for
defeating him for temporary chairman shows his
personal pique, that Is a matter of little im
portance compared with those parts of his article
in which he shows his partiality for the wealthy
classes. He says:
It has been demonstrated many times
that there is a large class of conservative peo
ple in this country, not avowed "independents"
so-called, but people who while nominally
belonging to some political party are disposed
to regard political ties very lightly, voting first
with one party and then with the other, or
sometimes not voting at all, and who really
constitute tho balance of power, and vir
tually control by their action or non-action
the political destinies of the nation. They
are electors of intelligence, usually men of
property, strictly conscientious opponents of
radicalism in every form, patriotic in their
purposes, and sincerely desirous of good gov
ernment under whatsoever party it may bo
secured. They think for themselves and act
for themselves quite regardless of political
influence. Whichever political party disgusts,
offends, or frightens this class of electors,
greatly imperils its chances of success. Tho
political barometer is largely affected by tho
conclusions which they may reach. It is tho
general conviction that the course pursued by
the Chicago convention not only offended thou
sands 'of veteran democrats who had grown
gray in the service of the party, but was espe
cially obnoxious to this class of thoughtful
and intelligent citizens.
1 Mr. Hill evidently considers himself the cham
pion of the "electors of Intelligence," who, accord-