The Commoner WILLIAH J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. Vol. 2. No. 12. Lincoln, Nebraska, April u, 1902. Whole No. 64 MR. PATTERSON'S EMANCIPATION BILL 2 The republican administration is greatly em barrassed by the fact that the southern demo crats are demanding the emancipation of the Sulu slaves. The people south of the Mason and Dixon line remember that about forty years ago the republican party was very much opposed to sjavery; they recall that the republican party has at various and sundry times since boasted of hav ing emancipated some four millions of black3. Now that this same republican party, has raised the stars and stripes over the Sultan's domains and looks complacently upon the existence of slav ery in the Philippines the southern representatives in congress are insisting that the brown men of the Pacific shall enjoy the freedom accorded to the negroes of the Gulf states. To make the issue clear and distinct Congressman Patterson of Ten nessee has introduced the following bill: H. R. 13285. A bill to abolish slavery in the Philippine archipelago, and for other pur poses. Be it enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the United States of Ameri ca in congress assembled, that from and after the passage of this act there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in tne Jrnu imilnn nrfihlnGlasro. or in anv nrovince or de- -, pendency now held by the United States gov ernment, or which may hereafter be acquired. Sec. 2. That the so-called treaty or agree ment made and entered into between John C. Bates, brigadier general of the United States volunteers, acting for the government, and the Sultan of the Sulu archipelago and the datos whose names appear as parties to said agree ment or treaty dated August' 20, 1892, be, and the same is hereby, disapproved and disaf firmed, and declared void and of no effect. Sec. 3. That the purchase, sale, or gift of slaves in the whole of said archipelago is hereby forbidden and declared illegal, like wisp the importation of any person bought or in any manner acquired in a foreign country and transported for the purpose of involun tary servitude to the Philippine archipelago. What will the republicans do? Will they pass the Patterson bill and thus give the democrats the credit of having compelled emancipation? Or will they kill the bill and admit that imperialism has entirely revolutionized the sentiment of the party? Wo shall see. JJJ Plutocracy in Instruction. According to the Boston Herald, "Mr. Alleyno Ireland, F. R. G. S., the English expert on tropi cal colonization," has been employed as an in structor in the University of Chicago. "He goes as special commissioner of the university to the far east and will devote three years to the study of the condition and government of European col onies in Asia." He is also to bring back "an entirely unbiased" report on the Philippine prob lem. Upon his return in 1905 he is to occupy "the chair of colonial history, politics and com merce which will be created for him at the unl-' versity." Mr. Ireland is already a writer of some promi nence, his book on "Tropical Colonization" being his most important work. Attention is called to this matter because it is one of the many, evi dences of the studied and concerted effort on 'the part of plutocracy to change public sentiment and substitute the doctrines of Europe for tho doc trines of America. Hero is a great university en dowed by tho chief stockholder in one of tho greatest and most extortionate of trusts. Tha Standard Oil company is the most open and notor ious law-breaker in tho United States, besido which petty criminals who are in the penitentiary seem insignificant. It not only controls tho oil business, but is reaching out for tho monopoly of other branches of business, and already its New York bank exerts a potent influence on national finances. The institution endowed by this pr.lnea of trust magnates sends to England for a cham pion of the colonial idea, publishes tho fact that he is to be sent to Asia to study the colonial problem and then is to occupy a chair and givo to American students the advantage (?) of his natural bias in favor of monarchical institutions and tho results of his biased investigations as to colonial government. It U not necessary for us to wait until his return to know what his instruction will bo. The whole tenor of it will be to cultivate a con tempt for the doctrines set forth in the Declara tion of Independence and to inculcate a love for tho doctrines of conquest and spoliation. He is to write articles for American magazines and his views will be spread broadcast as the views of a "learned" and "unbiased" man. The readers : of The Commoner are -urged to bring these matters to the attention of their re publican neighbors in order that the rank and file of the republican party may know, of the insidious and persistent attacks which are being made upon American ideas and the fundamental principles of free government. JJJ nogMBUtwi JEFFERSON VS. . ROOSEVELT. At this time when the anniversary of Jeffer son's birth is being celebrated it is well to note the difference between national expansion under Jeff erson, "and imperialism under President Roose velt. Jefferson favored the annexation of con tiguous territory, to bo inhabited by American citizens and to be built into American states. Roosevelt favors the conquest of remote islands, to be inhabited by subjects and to be held as col onies, taxed without representation and governed without the consent of the governed. Jefferson's doctrine was in harmony with the Declaration of Independence and the spirit of the revolutionary fathers; Roosevelt's policy is an imitation of the policy of King George III. A reader of The Commoner, thinking that Third Assistant Postmaster General Madden needs instruction in political doctrines, offers to sub scribe for The Commoner for Mr. Madden regular ly. The editor appreciates the offer and regrets to be compelled to refuse, but it was evident that it was being subscribed for because of the "doc trines advocated" and Mr. Madden is a little touchy on this point. If tho aforesaid reader had subscribed for a paper for Mr. Madden and given any other reason for so doing or had he given no reason at all the paper could have been sent with out 'any Infraction of-the . law such is the mys terious ruling of the postofflce department MR. HILL'S ATTACK ON CHICAGO PLATFORM. In a recent issue of Tho Commoner roforoncs was mado to ex-Senator Hill's article in tho Feb ruary Forum of 1897. On another page will b found that part of tho article which deals spe cifically with tho planks to which ho objocted. Ho begins by complaining of his defeat as tempo rary chairman of tho convention of 1896, saying: "Fair-minded democrats who had learned to re spect tho time-honored usages of the party wera astonished at tho revolutionary proceedings ot that body (the convention) in arbitrarily and un necessarily rejecting, contrary to every democratic precedent, tho selection of the national committee men for temporary chairman." What a grievance! If the national committee had had any conception of democratic principles it would have respected tho well-known wishes of the delegates and would not have tried to force upon tho convention a temporary chairman whose views had been re jected at the primaries. Mr. Hill could havo avoided humiliation in that convention by refus ing to join with the minority in an attempt to se cure control of tho convention, and ho has no ono hut himself to blame for tho merited jebukejjyhlcu. he recplvecir" ilHs not very modest lnlilm to par ado his defeat as if ho were entitled to more con sideration than tho convention Itself. If it was "revolutionary" for the majority of tho conven tion to disregard the wishes of the committeo, how shall we characterize the action of the com mittee, in disregarding the rights of the delegates? Which was entitled to superior consideration, the committee or the convention? Mr. Hill or the democratic party? But while his criticism of the convention for defeating him for temporary chairman shows his personal pique, that Is a matter of little im portance compared with those parts of his article in which he shows his partiality for the wealthy classes. He says: It has been demonstrated many times that there is a large class of conservative peo ple in this country, not avowed "independents" so-called, but people who while nominally belonging to some political party are disposed to regard political ties very lightly, voting first with one party and then with the other, or sometimes not voting at all, and who really constitute tho balance of power, and vir tually control by their action or non-action the political destinies of the nation. They are electors of intelligence, usually men of property, strictly conscientious opponents of radicalism in every form, patriotic in their purposes, and sincerely desirous of good gov ernment under whatsoever party it may bo secured. They think for themselves and act for themselves quite regardless of political influence. Whichever political party disgusts, offends, or frightens this class of electors, greatly imperils its chances of success. Tho political barometer is largely affected by tho conclusions which they may reach. It is tho general conviction that the course pursued by the Chicago convention not only offended thou sands 'of veteran democrats who had grown gray in the service of the party, but was espe cially obnoxious to this class of thoughtful and intelligent citizens. 1 Mr. Hill evidently considers himself the cham pion of the "electors of Intelligence," who, accord-