fr
Volume a, No. 7;
.jf
It
Mr. Hill's
Aim
and Intent.
claro that "hard monoy" simply meant money tliat
was hard to got. While Mr. Hill's monoy plank
may mean anything or nothing so far as metallic
monoy Is concorncd ho wants it understood that
ho is "unalterably opposed to irredeemable paper
monoy." As tho republican party does not advo
cato "irrcdoomablo papor money," it is evident
that Mr. Hill is not striking at tho republicans.
Ho is simply trying to got oven with the populists
who supported the democratic
ticket when ho sulked and
skulked. Ho can forgivo tho
gold democrats who voted tho
republican ticket and swallowed
high tariff, Imperialism and tho trusts in order to
keep tho Now York financiers In control of tho
fcdoral treasury, but he Is not willing to forgivo
the populists who woro patriotic onough to como
to tho rcscuo of tho democratic party in its hour
of need. Mr. Hill adds that if IF anything fur
ther is nocessary on tho monoy question "a simple
declaration in favor of tho genoral principle of bi
metallism" would answer tho purpose. This sim
ple declaration would enable a dishonest man to
advocate bimetallism before election day and then,
aftor tho election, place a republican construction
on tho word bimetallism and support legislation
intended to fasten tho gold standard upon tho
country. Mr. Hill has no word of condemnation
for tho "asset curroncy" or tho "branch bank."
He has nothing to say against banks of issue or
against tho plan to mako tho silver dollar re
deemable in gold. Ho plays the part of tho ac
complice he tries to chloroform tho sleeping
democracy while republican financiers remove all
tho valuables from tho house.
Tho "slrnplo declaration" which ho proposes
must bo construod in tho light of the record mado
by tho man who makes tho proposition. Mr. Hill's
complete subserviency to tho financiers, his un
hesitating obodionco to every demand they have
made, stamps his protended intorest in bimetallism
as hypocritical.
When President Cleveland asked to have bonds
xuado payable in gold, Mr. Hill, then senator, wont
him ono bettor and introduced a resolution giving
tho bondholder tho option NOT AT THAT TIME,
BUT WHEN THE BOND BECAME DUE. A bond
payablo in gold might become cheapened by the
increased production of gold, but Mr. Hill's reso
lution throw all tho risk on tho government and
relieved tho bondholder of any possible chance of
depreciation. Ho acted for tho bondholder and
acted on tho theory of tho man who had some
tioublo with his mother-in-law and who, when
she died and ho was asked whether she should bo
burled or cromated, replied: "Do both; take no
chances."
Mr. Hill is tho leader of thoso who would
make the domocratic platform so nearly like tho
republican platform that a democratic victory,
even if possible, would mean nothing to tho people
at large.
If this change is to bo mado it cannot be mado
at a high-priced banquet it must bo mado by
tho voters of tho party, and now that tho voters
are forewarned it behooves them to watch their
organization and put nono but tho faithful on
guard. Tho rank and file cannot bo corrupted ir
terrified, and they must bo relied upon to keep the
party true to tho people's interests.
JJJ
Give the People a Chance.
The Chicago News says that if tho senate re
fuses to concur In the joint resolution relating to
election of senators by tho popular voto, "it can
only be inferred that they bolievo an overwhelm
ing popular demand for it exists, and that they
do not wish to yield to it." The News points out-
oTu nCurQ th0 ncceasary amendment to tho
constitution, oven though both houses unani
mously favor it, will be a difficult matter in
their efforts to protect tho constitution from
rash and ill-considered changes th authors 5
The Commoner.
that document rendered its amendment ex
traordinarily difflcult. Two-thirds of both
houses must first approve a resolution for
amendment, or else tho legislatures of two
thirds of tho states must apply to congress to
call a convention to propose amendments.
Any amendment approved either by congress
or by constitutional convention, before it can
become part of tho constitution, must then bo
ratified by tho legislatures of three-fourths of
all tho states. In other words, the election of
senators by popular voto can be secured only
by action which could not bo taken unless
an overwhelming majority of the citizens
throughout the country stood in favor of it.
Tho recent history of senatorial election
contests points unmistakably to the need of a
reform. Senators doubtless will urge that elec
tion by legislature preserves the idea of state
sovereignty, that the way to check such abuses
as exist In connection with tho present method
of election is to secure better legislatures and
that to tako the power of election away from
tho legislatures is to stamp them with irre
sponsibility and still further confirm them in
bad practices. These aro questions which tho
various states themselves ought to pass upon.
It is not to bo supposed that the state legisla
. tures would throw away ono of their most val
ued privileges lightly or without due consid
eration of popular feeling. If the- senators
have any good reason for not submitting this
question to tho nation they should hasten to
mako it public.
Tho press is practically united in support of
the popular election plan. There can be no ques
tion of tho deep interest the people have in this
subject. By concurring in the house resolution,
the senate does not take the responsibility of mak
ing a change in the method of selecting senators.
It simply makes it possible for the states to act
upon it, and it is to bo hoped that this privilego
will not be denied.
JJJ
Tillman-McLaurin Episode.
The physical encounter between Senators Till
man and McLaurin has aroused considerable dis
cussion as to what honor requires in such cases.
The friends of Mr. McLaurin say that ho could
not honorably have done less than he did; that
being charged with yielding to improper influ
ences ho had to brand the charge as faise or ad
mit tho truth of the charge. Mr. Tillman's friends,
on the other hand, say that when called a liar it
was necessary for him to reply with a blow.
It is not many generations since it was thought
necessary to resent an insult with a challenge to a
duel. Alexander Hamilton died in a duel, and
before going to the fatal field he wrote a note
condemning the custom, but saying that he felt
it nocessary to comply with it or forfeit his polit
ical influence. Many of our early statesmen were
involved in 'sanguinary encounters on the so
called "field of honor." There never was my
logic in duelling. It sometimes settled the per
sons involved, but it never settled the question in
di&pute. If one man called another a liar, tho
charge was neither proved or disproved by the
violent death of one of the parties at the hands
of the other. Wo have now reached a point
whore public opinion condemns the duel and com
mends the courage of the man who declines, rath.r
tl .n tho courage of tho man who sends a chal
lenge. Lot us hope that tho time is approaching
when public opinion will condemn the fist fight
as a means of deciding & question of veracity
Even at present, we may excuse the man who m
a fit of uncontrollable anger makes physical re
sentment to an insult, but wo cannot justify it oy
any process of reasoning.
The controversy between tho two senators
from South Carolina is the same that it was bo
fere they struck each other. If Senator McLaurin
is innocent of the accusation mado against him
Senator Tillman should apologize and doubtless
would do so if convinced of his error; but if Sena
toi McLaurin is guilty as charged he cannot clear
himself by calling his colleague a liar. He mus
be acquitted or condemned upon tho facts and
neither violent language nor the display of foi-e '
should be allowed to turn. public attention from.
the real Issue. Senator Tillman was angered r
and not unnaturally so but if instead of precipi-;
tating a fight he had stated the facts upon which
ho based the charge and left tho public to dec: la
the question of veracity he would have strength
ened his case. The facts are, first, that Senator
McLaurin opposed the imperial policy of the ad
ministration as he had before that time opposed
all the other political policies of the admin
stration; second, that he suddenly changed his
position on imperialism and on all other promi
nent public questions and began to advocate tho
position taken by the republican party; third, that
he became the agent of the administration in- tho
distribution of patronage in his state, and, fourth,
that he was repudiated and denounced by the
democratic organization of his state and excluded;
from the democratic senatorial caucus. Now, upon,
these facts Senator Tillman bases the charge that
Mr. McLaurin's change was due to the promises
held out by the administration. It is not expected
that Senator McLaurin will plead guilty; neither
is it expected that any member of the administra
tion will testify to tho existence of a corrupt con
trrct between Senator McLaurin and the republi
can leaders. It is a case in which we must rely
upon circumstantial evidence and Senator Till
man erred in injecting into the discussion" a
question of far less importan.ee, namely, a ques
tion of personal veracity. He has a reputation
which could not have been injured by any insulting
words used by his colleague, neither would hi3
honor have suffered if he had relied for vindication
upon his character and the facts presented, rather
than upon his bare knuckles.
While it is necessary to take into account the
frailty of human nature and make duo allowance
for anger and indignation, yet we should endeavor,
to create a public sentiment which will substi
tute the reign of reason for the rule .of force; and
nothing will strengthen the sentiment more than
frequent recurrence to the .doctrine that it, is more
important to be than to seenu more important to
have character than to have reputation. A 'man,
should be measured, not by what others say of him
or do to him, but by what he Is and does.
JJJ
"Startling Changes."
Mr. Burleson of Texas delivered an interest
ing speech in the house on February 18. The gen
tleman from Texas did not adopt any formal' sub
ject for his discourse, but the title "Startling
Changes" would have been a comprehensive one.
In the beginning Mr. Burleson said: "This is a
wonderful country of ours and startling changes
aro constantly taking place." Then he proceeded
to direct attention to one of. the most remarkable
instances of "changes." Mr. Burleson pointed
out that after the election of 1900, the trust mag
nate imagined that he had obtained new license
to loot and pillage the people;" but in the early
fall of 1901, "a strenuous man, for reasons satis
factory to himself, proceeded to Minneapolis Jn
the state of Minnesota and there delivered himself
of a speech In the course of this speech he used
these significant words, speaking of trusts: 'Wo
shall find it necessary in the future to shackle
cunning as in the past we have shackled force.
J V individual an corporate fortunes,
combination of capital which have
marked the development of 6ur industrial system'
from trWnCOn?,iti0na necessita change
laTd Z" f 8tatG "
worToTS8QTd BurleSOn were
through ha"11'' ,BUrleSn POinted that
"
Kmm
